Asia Times: Myanmar's generals mean business


	March 21, 2002	atimes.com

Southeast Asia

Myanmar's generals mean business
By Aung Zaw

CHIANG MAI, Thailand - Myanmar's military rulers have stunned the world in recent days by arresting members of the nation's supposedly untouchable elite - the family of former strongman, General Ne Win.

Ne Win's family members were arrested this month and accused of plotting to overthrow the government. So far, the list includes Aye Zaw Win, husband of Ne Win's ambitious "favorite daughter" Sandar Win, and their three sons. Aye Zaw Win and the three sons, Kyaw Ne Win, Zwe Ne Win and Aye Ne Win, are now in detention. However, the junta's spokesman, Major-General Kyaw Win, said that Ne Win and his daughter Sandar Win had not been arrested. But many analysts believe that "The Old Man", as the 92-year-old Ne Win is known in Myanmar, and his daughter, who is a dominant player in Myanmar's first family, are under house arrest.

Since the arrests began on March 7, events have unfolded almost like a strange magic show, in which the puppets suddenly turn on their master. The puppets in this case are the members of the country's ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), who owe their positions to Ne Win, the former dictator who ruled Myanmar for 26 years until he stepped down in 1988.

Indeed, many questions remain unanswered in this latest political episode, especially given the junta's track record in propaganda and heavy censorship. Diplomats and foreign observers say it is hard to believe that the current military leaders, who were Ne Win's subordinates in 1980s, would turn against the former boss whom they called Ah Phay Gyi (Godfather).

Still, Myanmar's secret police and army officials have been interrogating as many as 100 people implicated in the alleged coup. About 50 civilians who worked for companies owned by Ne Win's grandsons and Sandar Win are now under detention.

Aung Pwint Khaung, a famous astrologer hired by Sandar Win and her sons, was also arrested. Ne Win's family is known to be superstitious and authorities said that they found voodoo-like dolls of the top three generals during a raid on Sandar Win's office.

At last four high-ranking generals, including two regional commanders, have been taken in for questioning. Air force chief of staff Brigadier-General Myint Swe, police chief Colonel Soe Win and Brigadier-General Chit Than from the Triangle Region are now under investigation.

According to sources close to the army, Chit Than and Myint Swe have no political ambitions. A military analyst asked, "Why did they have to rock the boat? They must know this [coup] plan was not going to succeed."

Yangon-based journalists, however, believe that some generals unwittingly had information about the coup plan. "They [generals] were approached by Ne Win's grandsons," said a well-placed source.

In any case, the arrests have been a boon for Myanmar's military leaders. Not only have they foiled outside speculation that Ne Win continues to exert tremendous influence on the government from behind the scenes, they have also proved popular with many ordinary citizens.

At last week's news conference, Major-General Kyaw Win attributed the Ne Win clan's actions to dissatisfaction over the loss of its economic privileges, as well as unhappiness with recent political developments in the country. Though Myanmar watchers and foreign journalists outside of Myanmar may not agree with his claim, Yangon-based journalists who have been following the affairs of the first family were convinced about this angle.

Just as relatives of former Indonesian dictator Suharto are widely disliked by Indonesians for their alleged involvement in corruption, cronyism and assorted other misdeeds, so there are similar sentiments toward Ne Win's family. For years, Ne Win's three grandsons have been seen as notorious exploiters of influence for advantage and responsible for gang-related crimes. Of the three, Kyaw Ne Win, 24, is perhaps the most notorious.

Never alone, he is known to cruise Yangon in the company of his bodyguards, some of them army captains. Like official state vehicles, his half-dozen or so vehicles are adorned with two flags: the Union flag of Myanmar and another, "one-star" flag that he uses as his personal emblem. "He is a prince but he wanted to be the king," recalls a Yangon resident.

The purge of the Ne Win clan also involved business conflicts. Aye Ne Win and Sandar Win are involved in the telecommunications business. Myanmar Sky-Link Communications Ltd planned to install a US144 million mobile-phone system in the country. The two are major shareholders in the company. However, the installation has been delayed by conflicts among other shareholders.

Until recently, the country's authorities turned a blind eye to what in amounted to a state within a state. But it is no secret that Ne Win's family had become displeased that they were no longer receiving the same privileges and economic concessions as in the past. That is because there are other groups vying for influence in Myanmar today. As the size of the military elite grows, more and more influential families are competing for a slice of the same pie.

In some cases, they behave even worse than the former dictator's family, robbing Myanmar of its remaining natural resources through shady business deals. And as this era of new economic elites has taken root in Yangon, it has left the Ne Win clan seething with jealousy.

The crackdown, indeed, had more to do with business than politics - the crushing of Ne Win's empire is a necessary step for those syndicates linked to today's rulers if they want ever truly to control Myanmar's business sector.

Nevertheless, Yangon has also sought to gain domestic and international kudos by saying that Ne Win's family was not happy with the ongoing political and economic reforms.

It is doubtful that the clampdown had any political implications. Major-General Kyaw Win told the press briefing that the failed coup would not derail the regime's ongoing dialogue with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

Some dissidents in exile are optimistic that with "The Old Man" out of the political scene, real change may come. Aung Naing Oo, a prominent political dissident in exile, said, "We have to wait and see whether they are telling us the truth. We will soon find out."

Ne Win has long been known to hold a grudge against Aung San Suu Kyi, since she criticized him in public when she entered politics 12 years ago.

But now, the United Nations special envoy's planned visit to Myanmar has been postponed. Razali Ismail, who has been facilitating secret talks between the SPDC and Suu Kyi, was going to make his seventh visit to Myanmar this past Tuesday.

A few days ago, the junta spokesman said, "The UN envoy Mr Razali Ismail has been informed and kindly requested to postpone his visit to Myanmar to a date convenient to both sides in the near future." Clearly, the Myanmar authorities are preoccupied with issues that need immediate attention after the recent coup attempt.

Like Razali, many people who are increasingly impatient and skeptical given the slow progress in Myanmar are disappointed by the cancellation. The reconciliation talks have reached their 18th month, with no tangible results, while nearly 2,000 political prisoners remain incarcerated.

On the economic front, the situation in Myanmar is also worsening. With high inflation and rapidly rising prices, the country could face serious social unrest in the coming months. All this points to Myanmar's desperate need for leaders who can feel the country's sense of urgency.

(Inter Press Service)