
| Southeast Asia
Frustrated critics toy with the Kosovo option By Boonthan Sakanond
BANGKOK - Nobody is making public statements on thetouchy subject, but after decades of battling their militaryregime, sections of Burma's pro-democracy movement are wonderingwhether to lobby for a Kosovo-style international intervention intheir country.
Those in favor of outside military intervention in Burmasee more than enough parallels between the situation of theKosovo Albanians, terrorised by the Serbian army, and Burmesecitizens, especially the ethnic minorities, who have beenbrutalized for decades by their military rulers.
Those against foreign intervention, however, warn that - as inthe case of Yugoslavia - there is no guarantee that it would changethe Burmese regime.
They fear that such a move instead could strengthenthe military by rallying support for it on nationalist grounds.
''Following the NATO attack on Kosovo there are more and morein the pro-democracy camp, particularly among ordinary activists,who want to see Western countries take more aggressive actionagainst the Burmese military,'' says a senior functionary of theDemocratic Alliance of Burma. The alliance is an umbrella group of various pro-democracyBurmese organisations, based on the Thailand-Burma border.
The functionary says, however, that there has no formal discussions on the subjectat the leadership level and it is unlikely that a call for suchaction will be made publicly any time soon.
Among the obvious parallels between Kosovo and Burma are theseveral hundred thousand Burmese refugees belonging to minorityethnic groups driven out by armed soldiers, their houses torched,men executed and women raped.
Human rights groups have long held the Burmese militarygovernment, which calls itself the State Peace and DevelopmentCouncil (SPDC), to be one of the most oppressive regimes in theworld and certainly Asia's worst human rights offender.
The military, which has ruled Burma since 1962, brutally putdown a nationwide democracy uprising in 1988. It gunned down morethan 3,000 protesters and ignored the results of a 1990 electionthat the opposition National League of Democracy won by alandslide.
There are more than 110,000 Burmese refugees in 19 camps alongThailand's northern border and several hundred thousand more whoare not registered as refugees but taking shelter in Thailand forpolitical and economic reasons.
Some one million Burmese are considered to be internallydisplaced within Burma due to civil war and the junta'srepression. Around 80 percent of these refugees are known to bewomen and children.
Critics say clear instances of crimes against humanitycommitted by the Burmese government forces include the rape ofthousands of women, the execution of civilians refusing tocooperate with the regime and forced expulsion of large numbersbelonging to minorities fighting for political independence.
Though since 1995 many groups have signed ceasefires with thejunta, the war continues against factions of the Karen, Shan,Karenni and Chin minority groups that have not given up.
According to a 1998 report entitled ''School for Rape,'' releasedby the human rights group Earthrights International, nearly 1.3million Burmese women and girls who have ''fled to camps or are inflight inside Burma's borders'' are at high risk of military rape.
But despite its horrendous human rights record, the Burmesegovernment has been rewarded repeatedly through its continuedrecognition at the United Nations and its admission into theAssociation of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
Though sanctions have been imposed against the regime byWestern governments, many multinationals and foreign investorscontinue to make deals with the Burmese military.
''There is a strong case for stronger international steps todeprive the Burmese government of its legitimacy but externalmilitary intervention would only make matters worse and also floutinternational law, as in the case of the NATO attack on Kosovo''says an Asian diplomat based in Bangkok.
Apart from the dubious short-term gains due to any Westernmilitary involvement, there are fears among activists that suchexternal assistance could be harmful to Burma's long-term nationalinterests.
''Kosovo is being turned into a protectorate of the West,particularly the United States, and we would not want that tohappen to Burma irrespective of our opposition to the currentmilitary regime,'' says a Burmese student activist here.
Due to their country's history of oppression under Britishcolonial rule, many Burmese activists are wary of too much foreigninterference in their domestic struggle for democracy.
While they are happy with economic sanctions and international diplomatic moves todeprive the Burmese government of access to global forums,they are uncomfortable with any kind of material intervention.
The Burmese military has often accused the pro-democracy campof being ''foreign stooges'' because many activists are exiledabroad and they are often supported vocally by Western governments.
During the last decade, numerous diplomatic moves to normalizethe situation in Burma through dialogue have failed.
But one new intiative that is now being watched with keeninterest is possible mediation by former South African Presidentand anti-apartheid hero Nelson Mandela.
Considered a role model for Burmese pro-democracy leader AungSan Suu Kyi, Mandela is believed to be keen to help restoredemocracy in Burma through negotiations with Burma's military.
As a first step, the South African government surprisedobservers by inviting Gen. Khin Nyunt, Burma's intelligence chief,to attend the inauguration of President Thabo Mbeki earlier thisweek.
The general is the first member of Burma's military governmentto visit South Africa and the invitation has raised speculationabout an increased South African role in resolving the stalematein Burma. Mandela himself has hinted for long that he would beinterested in acting as a mediator between Suu Kyi and the junta.
Though economic sanctions played a role in bringing down theapartheid regime in South Africa, during this presidency Mandelahas not backed similar sanctions against Burma due to what he saysis lack of sufficient international support.
For some this move is in any case counter-productive. But amongother activists, there is also hope that the widely-respectedMandela could pull off a compromise between the Burmese regime andthe pro-democracy camp.
For many who are increasingly frustrated by the lack of changein Burma, that would of course obviate any need to carry outintervention a la Kosovo, and resolve one of the longest-standinginternal conflicts in the world.
(Inter Press Service)
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