March 9, 2001	atimes.com

The Koreas Bush drizzles on Kim's sunshine WASHINGTON - United States President George Bush on Wednesday offered qualified support for visiting South Korean President Kim Dae-jung's Sunshine Policy toward North Korea, but stressed Washington was in no hurry to resume talks with Pyongyang on ending its long-range missile program and missile exports to third countries. In hour-long talks, the first held with an Asian head of state since Bush became president seven weeks ago, apparently ended inconclusively, with the new administration insisting that concrete policy initiatives must await the outcome of a comprehensive review of US policy toward the Koreas that could take weeks more to complete. In a Korea-US joint statement released after the meeting, Bush supported President Kim's Sunshine Policy and recognized Seoul's leading role in resolving inter-Korean issues. Bush's expression of support for Kim's inter-Korean reconciliation and cooperation came on the heels of a series of remarks by his senior aides hinting at a tougher stance against Pyongyang. In their joint statement, Bush also agreed that North Korean leader Kim Jong-il's Seoul visit, which is expected to take place in the first half of this year, will make a positive contribution to inter-Korean relations and regional security. There was speculation that the North Korean leader's Seoul visit would be difficult without US consent, leaving South Korean officials worried during the pre-summit preparations. At the same time, the US president reaffirmed his commitment to the 1994 Agreed Framework, under which Korea, the US and Japan agreed to provide two light-water reactors and fuel oil in return for the North's suspension of its nuclear program. Calls had been made for Bush to refrain from any overt commitment to the 1994 agreement between Pyongyang and Washington. However, in a joint press conference later Bush said, "I do have some skepticism about the leader of North Korea," although he didn't preclude the two countries' attempts to achieve a common objective. His expression of skepticism falls in line with the Bush administration's tough stance against the North Korean leader. US Secretary of State Colin Powell has called Kim Jong-il a "dictator", while reintroducing the term "rogue states" to describe Pyongyang and other countries that are engaged in the development of weapons of mass destruction. "If there was some suggestion that imminent negotiations [with the North] are about to begin, that is not the case," Powell told reporters as the meeting between the leaders wound up. "And in due course, when our review is finished, we'll determine at what pace and when we will engage with the North Koreans." The vagueness of the new administration's response to Kim, who clearly favors a more aggressive approach to peace talks, illustrates serious divisions among Bush's senior advisers on Korea which remain to be sorted out in the course of the review. The same kinds of divisions - between hawks and doves - have also surfaced on policies toward Iraq and China over the last two months. On the one hand, Powell and other senior State Department officials have spoken favorably of breakthroughs achieved by former president Bill Clinton who in 1994 forged an agreement with Pyongyang to freeze its nuclear program and was on the verge of sealing a similar deal on long-range missiles when his term ended. "We do plan to engage with North Korea to pick up where president Clinton and his administration left off," Powell said on Tuesday, noting that "some promising elements were left on the table". On the other hand, Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and his deputy, Paul Wolfowitz, and have long expressed deep skepticism about both Kim's Sunshine Policy and the North's good faith in carrying out any agreements. Vice President Dick Cheney is reported to share their views. They want more time to conduct a review and are clearly opposed to any dramatic new peace moves by Kim Dae-jung that could limit Washington's future room for maneuver. In this view, they reflect long-held criticism of most Republican lawmakers who have complained that both Clinton and Kim, who last year received the Nobel Peace Prize in recognition of the success of his Sunshine Policy, have given far more to North Korea - including hundreds of millions of dollars in humanitarian aid, the construction of new power plants, and international legitimacy - than they have received in return, which they say so far amounts only to an unverifiable freeze on its nuclear program and a unilateral moratorium on long-range missile tests. Apart from their deep distrust of Kim Jong-il, hawks in the Bush administration are especially concerned about the implications of Kim Dae-jung's fast-moving peace process on their plans for building an ambitious national missile defense (NMD) system to protect US territory against threats posed by North Korea and other "rogues states". They are also worried about the consequences for Washington's overall strategic position in Asia, a key component of which is the presence of 37,000 US troops stationed in the South to guard against a North Korean invasion. Their most immediate concern is Kim Dae-jung's hopes of signing a joint "peace declaration" with Kim Jong-il, who has promised to reciprocate Kim Dae-jung's historic trip to the North last June with his own visit to Seoul in late spring or early summer. While such a declaration would fall short of a treaty, US officials worry that it will raise new questions about the utility and relevance of the US troop presence on the peninsula. While Kim Jong-il himself has assured top US and South Korean officials that he wants US troops to remain as a deterrent against the Koreas' larger neighbors, the new administration believes that, as tensions diminish, support for maintaining the troops there will become increasingly difficult to sustain politically, both in Washington and in South Korea. The hawks' skepticism about Kim's Sunshine Policy was bolstered last week when he signed on to a joint communique with visiting Russian President Vladimir Putin which declared that the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) treaty should be inviolable. The statement, which was seen as a deliberate slap at one of the new administration's top foreign-policy priorities, confirmed previously-held views by hard-liners that Kim was either dangerously naive or that his interests in pursuing engagement with the North were not consistent with Washington's larger strategic objectives. In his remarks to reporters after Wednesday's meeting, Kim went out of his way to reassure his hosts on these counts, declaring that the Putin communique "in no way reflects our position on the NMD issues" and insisting that the Russians had wanted an explicit condemnation of NMD which he refused to give them. He also pledged to consult with Washington "every step of the way", on his next moves with the North, including, presumably Kim Jong-il's visit to Seoul. The proposed peace declaration was not raised in the talks directly, according to a senior administration official who briefed reporters after the discussions, but the understanding was that such a step would require substantial prior consultation. Kim and some former Clinton officials are clearly worried that any protracted delay in Washington's resumption of talks with North Korea could undo much of the unexpected progress in drawing Pyongyang out of its traditional isolation. Just last week, officials there warned that they may resume testing long-range missiles after an almost three-year freeze if talks with Washington do not begin soon. In an unusually public campaign this week, Wendy Sherman, Clinton's special envoy on talks with North Korea, also warned in the New York Times that Kim Jong-il "is capable of creating a crisis in the absence of a clear signal that negotiations are possible". "Although President Bush has time to consider his approach to negotiations, North Korea, a country of immense pride, will not wait forever," she wrote, adding that, eventually, Bush, like Clinton, should be prepared to meet with Kim Jong-il once a final missile accord is in sight. Remarks by President G Bush and President Kim Dae-jung Washington, March 7 PRESIDENT BUSH: Everybody in? It's been my honor to welcome President Kim here to the Oval Office. We had a very good discussion. We confirmed the close relationship between our two countries. We talked about a lot of subjects. And we'll be glad to answer questions on some of those subjects, but first let me say how much I appreciate this man's leadership in terms of reaching out to the North Koreans. He is leading, he is a leader. He is - and we've had a very frank discussion about his vision for peace on the Peninsula. It's a goal we share. After all, we've got vested interests there. And we had a very good discussion. I made it clear to the President we look forward to working toward peace on the Peninsula, that we'll consult closely, that we'll stay in touch; that I do have some skepticism about the leader of North Korea, but that's not going to preclude us from trying to achieve the common objectives. So, Mr President, welcome. Thank you for being here. PRESIDENT KIM: First of all, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to President Bush for inviting me to visit Washington and have this meeting with him, despite his very busy schedule, I'm sure, in these early weeks after inauguration. I'm delighted to have had this opportunity to start building friendship and close cooperative working relationship with President Bush on a variety of issues. I thank the President for sharing his insight and wisdom with me concerning the situation in Northeast Asia and the world, in general. And while discussing things with him I could feel that I was sitting next to a leader who would take the world to greater peace and prosperity in the 21st century. President Bush and I covered the whole variety of issues in ROK-US relations. It has been a most useful exchange of views. We have agreed to work together towards the further strengthening of the ROK-US alliance, and our close policy coordination in dealing with North Korea towards to goal of ending the Cold War and strengthening peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. And taking this opportunity, I would like to invite you, Mr. President, to come and visit us in Seoul as early as you can, so that we will have another opportunity to further strengthen the close cooperative working relationship between our two allies. PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you, sir. I'm going to take a couple of questions from the American press. I would hope that the South Korean press would be willing - we'll alternate. Question: Mr President, the Secretary of State just told us that you made it clear you would not be fooled by the North Korean regime. Can you expand on that? And are you afraid that the South Koreans, in their haste, their energy to make peace, might be not forcing North Korea to make certain concessions that need to be made? PRESIDENT BUSH: First, we had a very frank discussion about North Korea. There's no question in my mind that the President of the Republic of Korea is a realist. He knows exactly with whom we're dealing. He's under no illusions. I also told the President that we look forward to, at some point in the future, having a dialogue with the North Koreans, but that any negotiation would require complete verification of the terms of a potential agreement. And so I look forward to strengthening our relationship, first and foremost. And we will have a constant dialogue as to the progress that is being made on the Peninsula, and our foreign policy will respond in a way that will reenforce the efforts of the President, but at the same time - and at the same time, make it clear to all parties concerned that any agreement must make the Peninsula more peaceful and we must be able to verify that it is more peaceful. I am concerned about the fact that the North Koreans are shipping weapons around the world. And any agreement that would convince them not to do so would be beneficial, but we want to make sure that their ability to develop and spread weapons of mass destruction was, in fact, stopped - they're willing to stop it - and that we can verify that, in fact, they had stopped it. But there's no question that this President takes a realistic view of the man with whom we're dealing. Question: Mr President, do you believe that North Korea is living up to its other agreements with the United States, Japan, South Korea? PRESIDENT BUSH: South Korean press? I'll get you in a minute, Jim. Question: A question to President Kim of South Korea. Mr President, you say that you've had sufficient, fruitful exchange of views with President Bush. This is a transitional period in which you have to deal with a new administration, a change from the Clinton administration now to the Bush administration. You say that you do not expect any major changes in the work that you do together. But President Bush has greatly emphasized the pragmatic and realistic approaches in dealing with North Korea. In that regard, do you detect any change, and what do you think is the greatest outcome of this summit meeting today? PRESIDENT KIM: The greatest outcome today has to be that through a frank and honest exchange of views on the situation on the Korean Peninsula, we have increased the mutual understanding. On North Korea, yes, there are many problems that remain. But President Bush has clearly expressed his strong support for our efforts to further the dialogue with North Korea. On my part, I have assured him that as we try to advance the dialogue with North Korea, we will consult with the United States every step of the way, so that the progress in South-North Korean relations serves the interest of our two countries, and that it serves to strengthen peace on the Korean Peninsula. President Bush was very frank and honest in sharing with me his perceptions about the nature of North Korea and the North Korean leader, and this is very important for me to take back home and to consider. PRESIDENT BUSH: Jim. Question: Yes, sir. Sorry to go out of order, sir. PRESIDENT BUSH: Do you remember the question? Question: I believe I do, sir. There are some other agreements that the US, Japan and South Korea are party to with North Korea. Do you believe that they are living up to the agreements they have made? And if I could, sir, a question for President Kim, as well. You had said last week with Mr. Putin that the 1972 ABM Treaty was the foundation of stability in the world. Do you still believe that, and were you quoted accurately, sir? PRESIDENT KIM: On the controversy surrounding that inclusion of that reference to the ABM in the South Korea-Russia joint statement recently, our foreign ministry negotiated that statement with the Russians, and that phrase -- in coming up with that phrase we've taken into consideration the documents that came out of the G-8 Okinawa Summit and various other international consultations that the United States was part of. This in no way reflects our position on the NMD issues. This is not an indication of our opposition to the NMD. The Russian side, in fact, initially very strongly wished to include such a phrase that would indicate an opposition and we resisted to the very end. And so when we saw this controversy unexpectedly arising after the joint statement came out, I regretted the misunderstanding. And so I ordered my foreign ministry to come out with an immediate clarification of our position. PRESIDENT BUSH: Part of the problem in dealing with North Korea, there's not very much transparency. We're not certain as to whether or not they're keeping all terms of all agreements. And that's part of the issue that the President and I discussed, is when you make an agreement with a country that is secretive, how do you -- how are you aware as to whether or not they're keeping the terms of the agreement. The President was very forthright in describing his vision, and I was forthright in describing my support for his vision, as well as my skepticism about whether or not we can verify an agreement in a country that doesn't enjoy the freedoms that our two countries understand - don't have the free press like we have here in America. Question: President Kim, do you believe that it would strengthen South Korea's security for the United States to immediately resume the negotiations that President Clinton's administration had taken with North Korea regarding its missile program? And if so, did you make that case to President Bush today? PRESIDENT KIM: First of all, we sincerely hope that the North Korean missile issue will be resolved with transparency. But, of course, the United States is the counterpart dealing with North Korea in the negotiations over the missile issue. We have not made any suggestion whether the negotiations should be resumed now, or whatever. This is an issue for the United States to make. PRESIDENT BUSH: Let's make sure we get the members of the South Korean press - get to ask some questions, too. I'm not saying you're being overly aggressive or anything. Any further questions? Did you get to ask all the questions? Question: Mr President, one more. Was there any discussion concerning the agreed framework, the Geneva agreed framework, at the summit today? PRESIDENT BUSH: Anybody else? Question: Mr President, what is your general view about President Kim's Sunshine policy? Do you think that that contributes to peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula? PRESIDENT BUSH: Yes, I do. I do. I think that the idea of trade, flows of capital, will lead to a more peaceful Peninsula. I think open dialogue, I think reunification of families will lead to a more peaceful Peninsula. Hopefully, the efforts that the President makes will convince the North Koreans that we are peaceful people and that they need not be fearful about the intentions of America and of the Republic of Korea, that we want the peace. But we must be wise and strong and consistent about making sure that peace happens. But I believe the President is on a policy that has got peace as its goal and peace as its intentions; and with the right alliance and the right formulation of policy, hopefully, it will achieve the peace that we all want. (Inter Press Service/Asia Times Online)

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