Islamic groups turn back Musharraf's reforms
By Nadeem Iqbal
ISLAMABAD - After forcing Pakistan's military regime to subordinate human
rights to religion, hardline Islamic groups are rallying the people behind
their campaign to take the nation back in time.
Political analysts and media commentators warned military ruler Pervez
Musharraf that his handling of the stand-off with the radicals would
decide the fate of his ambitious reform plan for Pakistan.
Religious conservatives exulted over the mixed response to their
countrywide shutdown call late last week to press the military government
to incorporate Islamic principles in the constitution, ban citizen's
groups and keep hands off Islamic schools. A coalition of religious
parties that called the May 19 public protest claimed this had shown that
Pakistanis disapproved the bid by the ''NGO (non-governmental
organization) mafia in the government to rob the country of its Islamic
identity''.
In a statement from Lahore, prominent Muslim cleric Shah Ahmad Noorani
warned the government to ''follow Islam rather than becoming a tool in the
hands of anti-Islam forces.'' Political observers said they expect calls
like this to become shriller in coming days after Musharraf backed off
from a decision last month to modify the controversial anti-blasphemy law.
They said the military ruler had given a handle to Islamic parties who
also seemed to be winning over the moderate political formations in their
anti-government campaign.
Although Musharraf's undoing of his decision to modify the anti-blasphemy
law was slammed by media commentators and rights bodies, Pakistani
political parties were wary of criticizing the turnabout.
Speaking at a human rights conference in April, the military ruler had
announced a change in the rule for complaining against those suspected of
blasphemy, a crime carrying the death penalty. This would have required a
probe by senior district administration officials before a criminal charge
could be registered.
Rights groups have long complained that the present rule empowering a
junior police official to register cases has been heavily abused to harass
religious minorities, specially Christians. Christian leaders want the
law, that was introduced by former army ruler Zia ul Haq two decades ago,
to be abolished.
But less than a month after the April 21 announcement that was greeted by
rights groups, Musharraf yielded to the vociferous protests by Islamic
parties. Denying that the government wanted to modify the blasphemy law,
Musharraf declared: ''Since the Ulema (priests) and the people are
unanimous in their stance, the government has decided to restore the
previous procedure.'' This retains the rule which requires the police to
arrest anyone accused of blasphemy even before investigating the charge.
Under the law, ''whosoever by words, either spoken or written or by
visible representation or by any imputation, innuendo, or insinuation,
directly or indirectly defies the sacred name of the Holy Prophet
Muhammad, shall be punished with death or imprisonment for life and shall
also be liable to fine.''
Hundreds of cases are registered against non-Muslims every year. Local
religious leaders are seen to influence convictions that are common by the
lower courts, though the accused are invariably freed by higher courts for
lack of evidence.
The threat to judicial independence in such cases was obvious in the
October 1997 killing of a Lahore High Court judge, who was part of a
judicial bench that had acquitted two Christians convicted of blasphemy by
a lower court.
Two years ago, the former Bishop of Faisalabad, John Joseph, killed
himself in front of a lower court in Punjab province to protest the death
sentence awarded by the court to a Christian on a blasphemy charge.
Although no death penalty has been confirmed by a higher court, according
to Human Rights Commission of Pakistan estimates, 500 cases are pending in
different courts until December 1994.
The commission rapped the military regime for retreating before Islamic
parties. ''It won't take long for the hollowness of the regime's
commitment to human rights and human dignity to show,'' said a commission
press statement.
Media commentators criticized Musharraf for not trying to get the people
on his side in taking on the religious fanatics. ''If there was conviction
in its move, the government would not have beaten such a clumsy retreat.
It made no effort to appeal to the good sense of the people. It could
demonstrate that the object was not remotely to be soft on blasphemers,
only to be just to like non-blasphemers,'' said writer Aziz Siddiqui in
the English language daily, The Dawn.
Although no one said so explicitly, the government's retreat was seen as
countering a perception promoted by the religious groups that Musharraf
was out to please the West. This was also why, having tasted victory, the
religious groups are pushing ahead with a demand to ban NGOs they accused
of espousing causes they termed anti-Islamic. Islamic parties were angered
especially by an NGO campaign for women's rights. The Mill Yekhjehti
Council - the coalition that called the May 19 protest - had criticized
the proposed increase in women's representation in local elected bodies. A
leading NGO was rapped for being anti-Islamic when it issued a document
based on Pakistan's commitments made at the 1995 Beijing World Conference
on Women.
The religious parties also wanted Musharraf to include Islamic provisions
in the Constitution, stop regulating deen madaris (Islamic
religious schools), give up joint electorates and revert to the practice
of making Fridays the religious day off. Ousted Prime Minister Nawaz
Sharif had made Sunday the weekly holiday.
Musharraf's government has been trying to ensure that deen madaris
prepare students for the mainstream education system and not for religious
violence. It has also come under fire for its proposal to stop dividing
voters on religious lines.