KATHMANDU - Upper caste bullies who beat up a young boy, last week, for
daring to enter a Hindu temple in Nepal's northwestern Lamjung district
found themselves arrested - but only on the intervention of human rights
activists.
Another ''untouchable'' in the nearby Nuwakot area was not so lucky. Bire
Sarki was not only beaten up mercilessly but police have not been able to
trace him for over a week now.
Such oppressive incidents are not rare in this backward Himalayan kingdom
sandwiched between India and China - it is just that they are being
reported with increasing frequency in the press.
Armed with new-found freedom the press has been laying bare the hollowness
of ''national unity'' as espoused by the previous autocratic government -
replaced 10 years ago by multi-party democracy.
Now, many dalits, as the untouchable class is called here (and in
neighboring India), want to break out from the shackles of rigid Hinduism.
They are demanding an end to discrimination, and warn that their movement
could turn violent. ''We have been oppressed for a long time by the
so-called upper castes,'' says Ram Sunuwar, a dalit who is active in the
movement in Kathmandu. ''We simply want equality and justice.''
But that is easier said than done. Nepal is unique in being the world's
only country which has Hinduism for its state religion, a faith which
stratifies society into castes. Many of Nepal's nearly 23 million people
take pride in being Hindu in spite of the rigid caste barriers that form
the ugly side of the world's oldest religion.
According to statistics provided by well known ethnologist and social
researcher Harka Gurung Nepal's dalits number an astounding 5 million or
more than 20 percent of its population. But so abjectly dependent have the
dalits been that they have been unable to overcome divisions among
themselves and translate their numbers into anything like social
upliftment.
''Dalits in Nepal are a divided lot,'' explains Kosmos Biswokarma, one of
the few dalit journalists active on the Nepali media scene today. ''They
have been exploited and oppressed down the ages and even now many of them
are divided because political parties continue to divide them.''
It is easy to believe Biswokarma. The governing Nepali Congress party in
Nepal has four dalit organizations in its fold - all competing with each
other. The main opposition communists patronize three other groups, and
there are several more associated with other political parties.
While it is tempting to lay blame entirely on Hindu obscurantism, experts
point to other factors such as Nepal's dismally low levels of illiteracy
and poverty for the perpetuation deep social inequalities. Another reasons
is the poor visibility of the caste phenomenon because the worst cases of
discrimination occur largely in the remote hill and border districts
rathern in urban centers.
At the official level, Nepal has tried to clamp down on discrimination. In
1965, the late King Mahendra decreed that dalits should not be
discriminated against, but stopped short of prescribing penalties for
perpetrators. It was not until the arrival of democracy in 1990 and a new
constitution that social discrimination could be made punishable. ''That
was, and still is, the most significant anti-discrimination step taken by
the state,'' Biswokarma said.
Having a law is one thing, but practicing it is quite another as the
dalits have discovered. Experts who have studied the problem say dalits
have too little faith in the establishment to use the law against
discrimination. That much was evident from last week's incidents in
Nuwakot and Lamjung. Instead of the aggrieved parties lodging official
complaints with the administration, human rights activists had to step in.
''Dalits need to be more forceful in their movement,'' says Kapil
Shrestha, a prominent human rights activist and president of Human Rights
Organizations of Nepal. ''They need to use the available laws and pressure
for more pro-dalit legislation to have an impact. After all, they have the
strength of numbers.''
Biswokarma, on the other hand, feels that such tactics would work only in
the distant future. For short-term progress dalits need to pressure the
ruling classes into affirmative action. ''I am not talking about
reservations per se, but there ought to be some concessions given to
dalits for better representation and opportunities.''
In neighboring India, which is officially secular, dalits and tribals have
constituencies reserved for them, as are jobs and opportunities in
government-run institutions. While discrimination and oppression of dalits
is still a problem in India, the policy of reservations has undoubtedly
improved their lot. Similar affirmative action would clearly be welcomed
by Nepal's dalits.
Presently, of Nepal's 300-odd legislators in the two houses of parliament,
only three are dalits, and they are nominated members of the upper house.