Asia Times: India sends confusing signals on Sri Lanka extremists



	August 06, 1999	atimes.com

India/Pakistan

India sends confusing signals on Sri Lanka extremists
By Praful Bidwai

NEW DELHI - The assassination last week of Neelan Tiruchelvam, one of Sri Lanka's foremost intellectuals who tirelessly fought to end the island's 16-year ethnic conflict, has attracted strong condemnation from around the world.

Many governments have been forthright in naming the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) as the suspected culprit in the suicide-bombing of Tiruchelvam's car: the method is a virtual trade-mark of the group, which has killed dozens of Sri Lankan leaders, as well as former Indian prime minister Rajiv Gandhi.

Strangely, however, India has sent out ambivalent signals on the issue of the LTTE's involvement, although it stands to lose a great deal from that group's predatory activities, especially in the southern part of the country. Along with other evidence of senior Indian leaders' recent dealings with 'Eelam' (Sri Lankan Tamil homeland), this could have harmful consequences for Sri Lanka's society and politics, and for India-Sri Lanka relations.

On July 30, India's foreign ministry spokesperson expressed ''shock'' at Tiruchelvam's ''brutal killing.'' This was in keeping with New Delhi's opposition to all political murders. But India did not name the LTTE, although it was widely suspected to be involved on the basis of circumstantial evidence.

The LTTE recently warned all Tamil MPs against cooperating with the government. It normally steps up its terrorist attacks during the ''Black July'' week, the anniversary of the July 22-29 pogrom of Tamils in 1983. Last week too, there were reports of infiltration of ''Black Tigers'' (suicide bombers) into Colombo, as well as into Tamil Nadu in India.

Tiruchelvam was perhaps Sri Lanka's best-known scholar and constitutional authority. He drafted far-reaching legal and constitutional measures for decentralization, known as the ''devolution package'', adopted by the ruling People's Alliance. President Chandrika Kumaratunga was scheduled to pilot this through parliament this month. Tiruchelvam's role as an institution-builder (of the International Center for Ethnic Studies, and the Law and Society Trust), and a tireless peace and human rights activist was also noteworthy.

However, the Indian statement reduced him to ''a member of the Sri Lankan Parliament, an eminent lawyer and distinguished leader.'' The official spokesperson on July 30 read out a prepared statement, but immediately clarified that it was issued only ''in response to a question.'' This indicated that New Delhi does not think Tiruchelvam's killing on July 29 an issue worth strong comment on the basis of merit, and conveyed to the Sri Lankan public that India does not wish to take a clear, unambiguous stand on the LTTE.

Sri Lanka's Tamil community keeps a sharp eye on all fine nuances in India's diplomatic and media statements.

Some editorials in the Indian press, too, tended to trivialize Tiruchelvam's importance. For instance, a national daily reduced his significance to that of a mere mediator in the 1987 India-Sri Lanka accord which inaugurated India's disastrous policy of sending a ''peace-keeping'' military force to Sri Lanka, severely eroding Sri Lanka's sovereignty and causing enormous resentment.

As if taking a cue from India, as well as out of fear of the ruthless LTTE, very few Tamils in Sri Lanka have spoken out against the assassination. According to the Indian Express daily (August 3), many Colombo Tamils are reluctant to take a strong stand.

The pro-LTTE media in Sri Lanka has gloated over the relatively low attendance at memorial meetings for Tiruchelvam, says the Express. One pro-LTTE paper described him as ''pro-government,'' while lampooning ''moderate Tamils.'' The Kumaratunga government is the first regime in Colombo to be politically committed to devolution of power to minority communities.

The context for the present stance of the right-wing Indian government, led by the Bharatiya Janata Party, was set by a number of developments which suggest a soft line on the LTTE.

Defense Minister George Fernandes has long been an enthusiastic supporter of the LTTE. In December 1997, before joining government, he organized a highly controversial public convention of pro-LTTE elements in New Delhi, to which the Home Ministry objected. (The LTTE is a banned organization following Rajiv Gandhi's assassination). Fernandes changed the venue to the spacious lawns of his bungalow, hosting delegates from Sri Lanka, Australia, France, and India.

The delegates openly supported the LTTE and resolved to work for unbanning it. ''No matter what the obstacles are, we will hold similar state-level conferences. We are ready to face any consequences,'' Fernandes said at the convention. ''The basic purpose of this convention is to make the people of India aware of Tamil Eelam and make them part of their struggle . . . their cause is just.''

The convention passed a resolution asking the Sri Lankan government to withdraw its army from Tamil areas, stop human rights violations, and recognize that ''the LTTE represents the Tamil people.'' It also asked for the abolition of India's Jain Commission inquiring into Rajiv Gandhi's assassination.

In July 1998, under Fernandes's instructions, the Indian Navy was asked not to intercept ships suspected of carrying illegal arms for Sri Lankan guerrilla groups. Three such ships were let off. Later, it was reported that Indian forces had downgraded their patrolling of the Palk Straits dividing Sri Lanka from India. ''The Tigers are able to get whatever Tamil Nadu [the southern Indian state close to Sri Lanka] can supply. The coastline is very porous,'' the Hindustan Times reported.

On March 11, the Indian Navy allowed gun-runners aboard a vessel to escape and dump their cache at sea. The trawler was reported to be carrying arms for the LTTE.

On December 5, a number of Indian ministers, including Home Minister L.K. Advani and Fernandes, attended a wedding at which were also present LTTE leader V. Prabhakaran's father and Kasi Ananthan, a suspect in the Rajiv Gandhi case. Several pro-LTTE, pro-Eelam speeches were made at the reception.

Fernandes has been actively supporting the LTTE cause financially, through the Fund-raising Committee for Protection of Tamils. He was recently praised by the LTTE press as a more reliable ally of the the LTTE than many Tamil politicians.

All this has stoked suspicions that India's BJP-led coalition has definite sympathies for the LTTE. There are numerous media reports of increased LTTE activities in Tamil Nadu, and of its growing links with Tamil politicians.

In the early 1980s, this ''Madras factor'' got India involved in the Sri Lankan quagmire. India armed, trained and funded Tamil groups, including the LTTE. Later, it turned against them, coercing Sri Lanka into signing the 1987 accord.

Today, there is no official Indian support for Eelam militants. But there are growing fears that the BJP-led government has a strange, secret agenda connected with the LTTE. Its response to Tiruchelvam's killing is bound to strengthen these fears.

(Inter Press Service)

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