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| July 21, 2000 | atimes.com | ||
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China
Putin politely opens a can of Chinese worms By Xu Yufan BEIJING - Russian President Vladimir Putin might not have been aware of it, but he was accused by some Chinese political heavyweights of having trespassed into Chinese domestic politics even before he left Beijing. Putin's alleged offense was in his invitation to Jiang Zemin, his Beijing counterpart, to pay Moscow a reciprocal visit. That was diplomatically perfect, except for one small thing: he asked Jiang to consider a visit in 2001, an odd deviation from the usual phrase of "at a suitable or convenient time". Jiang was very pleased, as the official television report said. "He accepted the invitation happily." But the happiness was not shared by many political heavyweights, who immediately complained that making public Putin's uninformed invitation and Jiang's acceptance was in defiance of a top-level internal consensus that Jiang and several septuagenarian cadres should retreat to the back stage after this autumn. The matter was said to be far more than a storm in a teacup. The consensus, yet to be made public, was reached at last year's Beidaihe retreat, an annual occasion when top serving and retired cadres decide the future of the country during informal sessions, combined with bathing at a secluded section of the scenic beach a couple of hours' ride from Beijing. Last year, it was unanimously agreed that a gradual changing of the guard at the top of the party leadership would take place. Serving cadres who were already beyond the age of 70 or would be that old by this year-end should start the process of handing over their duties and sit back, although their nominal titles would remain until the party and parliamentary sessions in 2002 and 2003 respectively. A small sign of the rejuvenation process was seen in the sudden appointment of Hu Jintao, the apparent successor to Jiang's offices, as a vice-chairman of the Central Military Commission, as well as the appointment of two lieutenant generals as members of the commission. Other than Jiang, those named to start stepping aside on the grounds of their age included Li Peng, the speaker of the parliament, and Prime Minister Zhu Rongji. It was further revealed that Li Ruihuan, the chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Council, China's equivalent of an upper house, also pledged to join the throng despite being a bit younger. He told his colleagues that he had been in the top echelon too long, and had better make way for younger leaders. Another sign that the Big Four were about to retire from their first-line duties was their sudden spate of overseas visits, which included sightseeing among their official itineraries. It has been a custom in the post-Mao era to treat ranking cadres with foreign trips prior to their retirement. As they retreat from the first-line, the four will join the corps of elders which today includes Wan Li and Qiao Shi, both former speakers, Song Ping and Bo Yibo. They still have a job to do, and they perform it in an amazing establishment on Chaoyang Mennei Avenue. Its name: Committee to Take Care of the Next Generation. In other words, they will continue to be mentors to the incoming leadership. The set-up reminds political observers of the now-defunct Central Advisory Commission which existed between 1982 and 1992 and was instrumental in sacking the then party chief, Hu Yaobang, in 1987. Now, with Putin's invitation to visit next year and Jiang's open acceptance, those who have settled in Chaoyang Mennei caught a whiff of procrastination by a fellow-to-be. Yes, the 1999 Beidaihe consensus is still subject to a detailed plan for implementation, to be finalized at this year's bathing session. That is likely to take place next month. A new round of struggle has seemingly emerged, but informed sources close to the Beijing political circle are tipping that Jiang would not be able to continue his rejuvenation process, as he would find himself in the minority at Beidaihe. Those who have retired, in particular Qiao Shi who did so voluntarily in 1997, will be unhappy to see their peers hanging on too long. Those who are half way up the greasy ladder will not be happy either at finding obstacles in their way. In the official media, Jiang is often likened to Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping, the core leaders of the first and second generations respectively. In reality, everyone knows that his title of core leader of the third generation is wrong, as he has no military muscle behind him. By the time Jiang joins his peers at Chaoyang Mennei, the title of core leader will be history. China will formally enter a period of collective leadership, or factional politics similar to that of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party. (Special to Asia Times Online) |
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