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    Southeast Asia
     Mar 10, 2010
'Bless you Mr Obama' on Myanmar
By Stanley A Weiss

MANDALAY - In September 1952, Russian dictator Joseph Stalin and Chinese foreign minister Chou Enlai convened an extraordinary meeting to discuss the future of Southeast Asia. As recorded in the book, Mao: The Unknown Story, Chou talked about the region "as if its fate were to be entirely decided by Peking".

He explained that China's strategy was to "exert peaceful influence without sending armed forces", offering up the examples of Burma (Myanmar) and Tibet. Stalin wryly replied, "Tibet is part of China - there must be Chinese troops deployed. As for Burma, you should proceed carefully." Then, he confirmed, "It would be good if there was a pro-China government in Burma."

Nearly 60 years later, it is striking how well Chou's hopes have

  

been realized. Chinese influence can be seen everywhere across the Southeast Asian nation. Locals quip that Mandalay, once home to Burmese kings, should now be renamed the "Capital of Yunnan", China's nearest province. In this city made famous for its white marble carvings, it is telling that 80% of all new orders are not to carve Myanmar-style statues, but rather Chinese-style Buddhas.

Less obvious is the Chinese presence in the remote northern regions, often hidden from Western eyes. The fabled jade mines of Kachin State, off-limits to most foreigners, host thousands of Chinese miners who send jade directly to China. Not far away, an environmentally damaging hydroelectric plant has been built by China, as one prominent business owner told this writer, "to cloak huge illegal clear-felling of forests by the Chinese". Timber is moved along two highways that run directly from Myanmar to China, constructed in secret since 2004.

"The educated people of [Myanmar] know that China is looting their country of valuable resources and giving nothing in return," a long-time Western observer of the country said. "They would love to have an alternative trading partner."

But the West, through economic boycotts and sanctions, "has basically dealt itself out of the game", says Thant Myint-U, grandson of former United Nations secretary general U Thant. China has rushed to fill the void with billions in aid and weapons sales to Myanmar's junta, which has ruled under different generals since 1962.

But increasingly the feeling here is that the days must end for the United States treating Myanmar as a "boutique" issue (as one Barack Obama surrogate memorably said during the 2008 US presidential campaign) focused solely on human rights and the fate of Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. Three recent developments have shined a spotlight on US security interests in Myanmar, which sits significantly at the crossroads between China and India.

Strategic concerns
First, there is a pipeline. In November, China announced it was constructing a 675-kilometer (480-mile) oil pipeline from China through Myanmar to the Indian Ocean. As the world's second-largest oil user, China has long faced the "Malacca Strait dilemma" - that 80% of its oil flows through the narrow strait between Malaysia and Indonesia which a hostile power could choke off in a conflict.

The new pipeline will help China avoid the Malacca Strait and give it access to the Indian Ocean. Its a move that US ally India clearly fears. New Delhi announced days after China revealed the plan that it would add 40 warships and new fighter jets to its Indian Ocean arsenal. It is a potential flashpoint the US does not need.

Second, there are Myanmar's nuclear ambitions. In 2002, the junta confirmed plans to build a nuclear research reactor with Russian support. Army officers have since undergone training in Moscow. Recent reports about a stealth deal between Myanmar and North Korea to develop underground nuclear facilities have led some to dub Myanmar "the next North Korea". "The nuclear issue," Myanmar scholar Morten Pedersen says, "must be weighing heavy on minds in Washington - and must be addressed."

Third, there is the spread of radical Islam in neighboring Bangladesh, where the "astronomical growth of Islamists in the military", as scholar Sajeeb Wajed Joy has written, has leapt from 5% in 2001 to 35% today. As crackdowns against journalists and political opponents in Dhaka increase, the last thing the world needs is for Myanmar to become a Pakistan on the Irrawaddy that allows terrorist groups sanctuary in its remote northern regions.

The Obama administration has sought to begin a new conversation with Myanmar, conducting the highest-level talks with the generals in more than a decade. But aside from Senator James Webb - who visited Myanmar in 2009 - the US Congress is not listening. "It's the usual congress full of ignorants, arrogants and self-righteous fools," says Ma Thanegi, who spent three years in prison after working as Suu Kyi's assistant. "Their tactics are helping to starve our people. Bless you, Mr Obama."

Myanmar's parliamentary election scheduled for this year - the first since 1990 - is an opportunity, as Pedersen says, "to change the overall thrust of US policy, to broaden its agenda in [Myanmar] to include peace-building and economic reform." It is, adds Myanmar expert Robert Taylor, "a chance for the US to counter-balance the growing power of China in Asia and the world."

Stanley A Weiss is Founding Chairman of Business Executives for National Security, a nonpartisan organization based in Washington. This is a personal comment.

(Copyright 2010 Stanley A Weiss.)


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