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    Southeast Asia
     Aug 5, 2009
Page 1 of 2
AN ATOL INVESTIGATION
A bid to buy Thai Muslim hearts and minds

By Brian McCartan and Mark Oltmanns

YALA and NARATHIWAT - Thailand's government has initiated a program to build on what it considers to be success with its "surge" tactics in the country's insurgency plagued southernmost regions. The four-year pacification and spending program aims to win hearts and minds even while militants appear bent on upping the tempo of their violence.

Those claims of success were put to the test at the end of April when a series of coordinated attacks were carried out across the restive region. Deadlier attacks occurred in June and July, resulting in the killing and wounding of security forces, teachers and both Muslim and Buddhist civilians. Figures from Deep South

 

Watch, a monitoring group at Prince of Songkla University in southern Pattani province, indicate a rise in the number of casualties since the beginning of the year and point to intensifying violence.

The military contends that the upsurge in attacks was brought on by the success of the "surge" and the result of insurgent attempts to maintain influence in what Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC) spokesman Colonel Parinya Chaidilok describes as a "competition for the people's support". "The insurgents think that if they cannot make things happen, then they will lose the support of the people," Parinya told Asia Times Online.

The government claims it will be able to win that competition in three years through a recently announced 63.1 billion baht (US$1.85 billion) security and development program for the region. The fund, which will draw money from the budgets of relevant ministries, was approved by a special Council of Ministers for the Development of the Five Southern Border Provinces Special Region, known locally by the Thai letters ror chor tor, established in February and headed by Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva.

The program is scheduled to disburse 8.5 billion baht this year, 18.2 billion next year, 19 billion in 2011 and 17.4 billion in 2012. According to Parinya, funds earmarked for 2009-2010 will largely go to ISOC to bolster security, but in 2011 more money will go towards development projects. Depending on the success of those outlays, he says, most of the 2012 budget should go to development.

Programs in the south have come under criticism because of ISOC's control over the budget for the civilian-led development coordinating body, the Southern Border Provinces Administrative Center (SBPAC). According to SBPAC figures, the agency will be budgeted 1.5 billion baht, 1.85 billion baht and 1.6 billion baht over the next three years - a small proportion of the overall budget announced by the government.

Critics say that ISOC's control over the cash flows has put the military in the driver's seat for political and development affairs on top of security issues. Some observers of the armed conflict have postulated that the large amounts of cash being sent to the south gives the army too big a stake and provides monetary incentive to sustain rather than end the conflict. It's a sentiment that many Malay Muslims and some Buddhists in the region echoed during discussions with Asia Times Online. Most felt that they would see little, if any, of the government's development funds.

Political military
Under an initiative Abhisit has dubbed "politics-led military", civilian control of the region's development is to be reinstated through a new administrative body known as the Southern Border Areas Administrative Center (SBAAC). As planned, the new center would receive its funding separately from ISOC and be nominally headed by the prime minister.

While the SBAAC is scheduled to take over SBPAC's role over development and politics, ISOC would remain responsible for security. Although the idea has gained cabinet approval, laws to establish the agency have yet to be passed by parliament, leaving ISOC in control of the purse strings.

The military claims that the volatile security situation in the region necessitates that soldiers are also involved in political and development work. "This is our policy that we call 'politics leading the military'," says Parinya. "But in reality the soldiers are the ones doing the political work, meaning they are building understanding with the people in order to prepare them for the development that will follow."

A mid-level officer not authorized to speak to the press described his view of the army's role in the region: "Politics here isn't about local politicians. It's not going out and looking for votes; it's not about politicians campaigning. Politics means developing the area and building understanding with the villagers, have them understand the role of the army and who is working to help the people ... Of the 60,000 forces we have down here, 80% are used to look after and protect the people and 20% are used to go after the insurgents."

Sensitive to allegations that it is taking most of the money earmarked for development and reconciliation programs, the military says its role in the south is often misunderstood. They claim that most of their budget goes towards the support of villages and the soldiers that protect them rather than to security operations.

"The money is still going to the people, it's just that it comes through the military; the military is distributing it," Parinya said. "This is what we are doing in those villages where SBPAC can't go to yet. They can't go there because there is still [insurgent] movement there ... But we are not doing it permanently; we are doing it to help them get by and keep the insurgents out. After we have chased out the insurgents, SBPAC can come in and take over the development programs."

To jump-start development and understanding in insurgent-controlled or "red" villages, the army has begun a program it refers to as Serm Sang Santisuk (Sahm Sor), or the three S's program. Under the program, serm - "to enhance" - aims to improve security, education and economic opportunities, sang - "to build" - will upgrade the region's infrastructure, both towards the aim of creating the third S, santisuk, or peace.

To carry out the program, 31-man army Peace Development Teams have been stationed in each of the 217 villages identified as being under insurgent control. Rather than seeking out and confronting insurgents, the soldiers are assigned to build understanding and foster development projects such as fish ponds and raising poultry. They also provide security to the villages and better coordination between the villages and ISOC. The teams will remain in the villages for two years, after which the situation will be re-evaluated to determine if it is safe enough for SBPAC to commence its own development programs.

According to SBPAC sources, the development budgets are divided between politics, culture, education, economic and social programs. A foreign affairs element is also included to coordinate projects with neighboring Malaysia for border villages. Money is also allocated for Village Defense Volunteers to cover training and non-military equipment such as flashlights and rice cookers. Weapons, on the other hand, are provided by the army.

The military claims that ideas for development projects come from the villagers themselves. According to one army officer in Yala province, "We can't force it on them and say, 'You need to have this and that.' We need to know what they want." Villagers are also expected to give input into their own security by setting conditions for soldiers in the villages and by joining the army-trained Village Defense Volunteers.

Strategic shift
The new policy is the brainchild of 4th Army Region commander Lieutenant General Pichet Wisaichorn, who is also ISOC's chief for the three southern border provinces. Security analysts say his approach is markedly different from previous strategies for the south, which were largely based on patrolling areas and holding discussions with villagers about their health, economic, communications and education needs.

Continued 1 2  


Southern test for new Thai leader
(Dec 24, '08)

Old and new massacres in Thailand (Jun 10, '09)

Insurgents defy Thai military surge
(May 1, '09)

Who's who in Thailand's Muslim insurgency
(Sep 8, '07)


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