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    Southeast Asia
     Mar 1, 2007
Page 2 of 2
Thai coup makers losing their grip

By Rodney Tasker

strongly supported the coup. Nor has any progress been made in proving Thaksin tampered with the workings of independent checking-and-balancing agencies, as the coup makers have alleged.

Miscues and flip flops
Instead, Thais have become inured to a string of mismanaged policy flip-flops. These range from dithering over whether to reopen Bangkok's old Don Muang airport as cracks appeared on the new



Suvannabhumi Airport's tarmac, to upsetting foreign investors by first introducing capital controls, then curtailing them for certain types of transactions and by sending inconsistent signals about amending the Foreign Business Act. Now it appears only a handful of budget domestic carriers will return to Don Muang, and foreign investors are now completely in the dark about what the government's economic priorities are with Pridiyathorn's resignation.

The new government was also expected to curb violence in the mainly-Muslim deep south, where Thaksin was widely seen to have mishandled the situation with a simplistic and at times brutal iron-fist policy, which whipped up resentment among the minority Muslim community. But if anything, the southern violence has got worse under Surayud's interim administration, including a coordinated 30-bomb attack between February18-19 and sustained near-daily killings. On top of this, the generals have still to find the culprits in the New Year's Eve bombing campaign in Bangkok, when three were killed as nine low-grade bombs were set off in different parts of the city.

Perhaps the most telling sign of the current government's political ineptitude surrounded the recent saga of Somkid Jaturipitak, Thaksin's former economic czar and architect of the ex-premier's so-called "Thaksinomics" economic strategy, a mix of free-market and state-interventionist policies. Somkid recently offered his services to Surayud, who made him roving envoy to explain to international audiences Thailand's new bid to implement King Bhumibol's "sufficiency economy" concept, which favors sustainable economic development strategies over the pursuit of maximum short-term profits.

Somkid immediately came under great pressure from anti-Thaksin groups to resign - which he did on February 21 after barely one week in office. Somkid, a former academic who has never been known to have his own political base, used his farewell news conference to paint himself as a national martyr. "The country cannot face any more division," he said, making it clear his resignation was for political reasons.

Somkid's appointment by the Surayud government was arguably its biggest political blunder to date. While government supporters could perhaps overlook earlier mistakes, the Somkid affair was the last straw. Most of the opposition to Somkid's appointment centered on the People's Alliance for Democracy, or PAD, the mass anti-Thaksin movement that hounded the ex-premier for most of 2006, and effectively helped to spawn the September 19 coup that ousted him.

The movement's leaders, and some academics who until now had been largely supportive of Surayud's stated strong commitment to political reform, saw through Somkid's appointment as a total political expedient to counter Thaksin's ongoing attempts to present himself internationally as a champion of democracy and an illegally ousted leader who had only the Thai people's economic welfare at heart. A turncoat Somkid would put paid to that campaign, so the theory apparently ran. Some political analysts even thought Surayud and the military chiefs might be grooming Somkid to be a military friendly leader in a future democratically elected administration.

Two days before Somkid's departure, the PAD had bluntly told the Surayud government that Somkid's appointment was inappropriate, further divided Thai society and risked yet more confusion overseas. The protest group had threatened to withdraw its considerable support from Surayud, and by extension Sonthi and the generals.

In effect, the government is now seen even among its strongest supporters as fumbling politically and in real danger of further crimping its already falling popularity. Five months since seizing power, Surayud's government is treading water rather than tackling head-on the evils it identified as justification for the coup. A public opinion poll conducted mainly among Bangkok-based residents showed Surayud's popularity after his early October appointment at 70%. The tally in early February indicated his approval ratings had plunged to around 40%.

The government desperately needs to demonstrate it is capable and committed to moving faster to prove the initial reasons it pronounced for justifying the coup are indeed valid. Lingering support for Thaksin could perhaps be brought around if the government showed clearly with corroborating evidence the extent of the corruption in the ex-premier's government.

Because of its constitutional duty to uphold and protect the monarchy, many Thais are not as inherently opposed to military or even authoritarian-style civilian rule, as are various other regional countries. Clearly the current leadership needs a firmer, steadier hand on the helm to show the Thai masses that even in an interim capacity it represents a credible and attractive alternative to Thaksin's populism.

Yet time is running short before general elections are held in or around October, when unless credible charges have been presented and proven, the still popular businessman-cum-politician might - much to the coup makers chagrin - still be a political factor.

Rodney Tasker was a longtime correspondent for the Far Eastern Economic Review, where he covered the ins and outs of the Thai military throughout the 1980s and 1990s and famously predicted the 1991 coup. He is semi-retired in the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai.

(Copyright 2007 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)

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