Nepal entangled with the United Nations
By Dhruba Adhikary
KATHMANDU - The wrangling in Nepal over forming an interim coalition to replace
the government that quit on June 30 has projected some of the country's
politicians as small-minded, and seemingly unwilling to take the country out of
its tension-fraught transition.
To make matters worse, some politicians have picked a quarrel with the United
Nations, accusing its field mission of taking sides with former Maoist
insurgents on the question of integration into the Nepal army.
The United Nations Mission In Nepal (UNMIN) was set up in early 2007 at the
request of political parties, including the Maoists, to facilitate the
implementation of a peace process that entered into
a decisive phase at the end of king Gyanendra's direct rule in April 2006.
The mission helped with elections in April 2008; its remaining job is to
provide assistance that might be required in work associated with monitoring
the country's arms and armies, that is, the regular army and former Maoist
guerrillas.
The UNMIN's present mandate, which was initially renewed every six months,
expires in mid-September. While the latest United Nations Security Council
resolution to this effect was adopted in May, some political leaders and media
outlets perceive that the UNMIN is looking for a pretext to prolong its stay
indefinitely. Leading the vocal group is none other than caretaker Prime
Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal, who resigned as premier in June.
The group cites UNMIN's publication of a 60-week work plan on the integration
and rehabilitation of former combatants as glaring evidence of the UN's real
intentions. Two newspapers owned by one leading publisher printed the
controversial work plan on July 9.
Sushil Koirala, head of the Nepali Congress, a party in the outgoing coalition,
has publicly criticized the UN's seeming "interference" in the peace process.
He also used harsh words about the UN mission remaining tight-lipped over the
"unabated violent activities" of the Maoists, even after their signing of a
series of agreements aimed at ushering in an era of peaceful, competitive
politics.
True, there have been a couple of incidents in which former rebels sneaked out
of their holding camps and carried out violent attacks on civilians. While the
UNMIN issued statements condemning such activities, officials at the mission
have argued that they do not have the mandate or the logistical support to
handle problems of this nature. Theirs is a political mission, not a
full-fledged peacekeeping operation, they claim.
Meanwhile, Peace and Reconstruction Minister Rakam Chemjong directed a senior
official to send an urgent missive to Karin Landgren, UN secretary general Ban
Ki-moon's representative in Nepal, telling her how "deeply concerned" the
government was over the work plan for former combatants, who number 19,600.
Landgren swiftly sent her response, with a clarification that her mission did
not push through any action plan or roadmap for integration and rehabilitation;
whatever was handed over to the leaders of three major parties was a
"non-paper" that could be construed as reference material aimed at helping the
parties make a decision.
A "non-paper", according to a dictionary definition, is an authoritative but
unofficial document that is often used to test the reaction of concerned
parties. The term is frequently used by such bodies as the UN and the European
Union. The timeline mentioned in the document indicated that it was
"hypothetical".
Subsequently, the dispute reached UN headquarters in New York, where associate
spokesperson Farhan Haq told a media briefing on Monday that prior
consultations with the main parties of Nepal about the non-paper with a
timeline in it "had taken place with the full knowledge of the government of
Nepal".
The completion of the UNMIN's arms-monitoring mandate, the spokesperson added,
in large part was contingent on the parties agreeing on a plan to address the
future of Maoist army personnel.
Back in Kathmandu, officials in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs appeared
reluctant to talk about the issue as their ministry was not taken into the
confidence of the political leaders.
Independent observers unhesitatingly ridicule the government for its
ineptitude, but they also do not have kind words for the UNMIN.
Wittingly or otherwise, the UNMIN circulated a non-paper with a timeline of 60
weeks just eight or nine weeks before its own current term expired. Such an
initiative was bound to create an impression that the UNMIN was keen to delay
its departure. It could also be interpreted as a move to be sympathetic to the
Maoists, whose desire is to have most, if not all, of their ex-combatants
integrated into the Nepal Army - a proposition fiercely resisted by the army
thus far.
The UNMIN is also aware that the extended tenure of the Constituent Assembly
requires it to issue a new constitution by May 28, 2011. The new statute cannot
leave any space for a provision that would allow two armies in one country. At
this point, the UNMIN would certainly have outlived its purpose.
Some political parties perceived as pro-Indian believe the UN mission has
already lost its relevance in Nepal. However, others want the UNMIN to maintain
its presence until the ongoing peace process reaches its logical conclusion,
believing it prevents interference by India.
"By displaying intolerance and arrogance towards the UNMIN, the incumbent
government as well as non-Maoist political parties are proving their diplomatic
immaturity," said Kesharbahadur Bhandari, a retired army officer, in a comment
printed in Kantipur newspaper on Thursday. It is an irony, he added, that these
leaders tolerated the clear interference of diplomats from India but sought to
humiliate UNMIN personnel.
Dhruba Adhikary is a Kathmandu-based journalist.
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