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    South Asia
     Oct 20, 2009
Page 2 of 2
Us and them
By Chan Akya

The high oil prices that helped to sustain the Taliban for much longer than local economic conditions would have warranted now exist once again. Continued sales of opium, meanwhile, provide the Taliban with the means to keep up their recruitment of armed combatants and controlling regional governors who are enriching themselves.

Anyone wishing to control the spread of the Taliban must therefore consider two aspects: the global trade in narcotics and secondly the per capita consumption of crude oil. Since both these indicators are more relevant in Western Europe and the United States, it suffices to focus attention on the two areas.

How the British Empire collapsed
Before delving into the most obvious strategy items left to control the Taliban, it is appropriate to examine the historical reasons for

  

the collapse of the British Empire, if for nothing else but to tell ourselves that the status quo can indeed be changed with a bit of will.

Writing in the Wall Street Journal this week, Zachary Karabell notes the following:
Consider what happened in 1946, when a cash-strapped Great Britain turned to the US for a loan. For 30 years or more, the British had been consumed by the threat of a rising Germany. Two wars had been fought, millions of lives had been lost, and the British treasury was dramatically depleted in the process. Britain survived, but the costs were substantial.

In spite of its global empire, a powerful military, and an enviable position at the center of world-wide commerce, in early 1946 the British government faced a serious risk of defaulting on its financial obligations. So it did what it had done at various points over the previous decade and turned to its closest ally for assistance. It asked the US for a loan of $5 billion at zero-interest repayable over 50 years. As generous as those terms seem today, such financing had been almost routine in years prior. To the surprise and shock of the British, Washington refused.

Unable to take no for answer, Britain explained that unless it received funds the government would be insolvent. The Americans came back with a series of conditions. They would lend Britain $3.7 billion at 2% interest, and the British government would have to abide by the 1944 Bretton Woods plan, which made the dollar rather than the pound sterling the reference point for global exchange rates and required Britain to make the pound freely convertible. Even more significantly, Britain had to end its system of imperial preferences, which meant no more tariffs and duties on goods to and from colonies such as India. These were not mere financial penalties: taken together, they meant the end of the British Empire.
While interesting from a historical perspective, Karabell perhaps understated the role of another bit of change over the same period - the decline of the opium trade. For it wasn't the textiles of India or the rubies from Myanmar that kept the great British Empire alive but rather the humble opium den.

Destroying the landscape of India with forced farming of opium and selling the finished product in China with handsome profits along the way, the British Empire essentially derived a quarter of its revenues or more from the opium trade; income that was readily useful in dealing with the pesky Prussians and Germans in World Wars I and II.

I would recommend readers examine the subject at length in tomes such as Sea of Poppies by Amitav Ghosh and Opium, Empire and the Global Political Economy by Carl Trocki which immediately come to mind.

When the Chinese stopped smoking opium in the early part of the 20th century, the ramifications were felt on the existence of the British Empire.

This is exactly the historical parallel to use. The idea of destroying the demand for heroin and other opium derivatives has apparently never entered into the calculation of the United States and NATO countries. To do that, they obviously will have to work on controlling their domestic populations, in effect taking the "war on terror" homebound, hitting at drug addicts internally.

That course of action isn't popular of course, but in the long run more likely to succeed in controlling the Taliban.

Oil
The same goes for the price of oil. If global oil prices can be pushed down, there is clear evidence that funding for fundamentalist Islamic groups also declines. Why then doesn't the American government impose a tax - say $2 per gallon - on the sale of gasoline in the US; following the lead of the Europeans? This would inevitably - and especially if the current rate of low economic growth continues for the interim - lead to a decline in the price of oil globally to adjust for the tax effect.

Jim Kunstler wrote the following about the generic supply of oil from the Middle East in his blog entry dated October 12, 2009:
The combination of extreme resource dependency and religious fanaticism is a fatal equation for the Middle East. They are angry, crazy and often savage people who own something we can't live without, and we are overfed buffoons, often savage ourselves, who think we can make them like us - whether they like it or not. Again, personally, I don't believe the status quo will persist a whole lot longer. The US economy is radically de-complexifying (ie crashing). Part of this will be expressed in the bankruptcy of US military capacity - at least where supporting troops-on-the-ground in foreign lands is concerned, and probably overseas bases, too. The US could get in trouble with other sources of foreign oil (think: Mexico) before anything chokes off the Middle East. But in one way or another, the US will soon become both capital-and-energy-resource-challenged to an extreme, perhaps to the extreme where we can't feed ourselves. Our problems in running the nation as it has been set up to run - as a colossal demolition derby with sideshows of bargain shopping and infotainment - are insurmountable if one accepts the majority view that it is "non-negotiable".
It is important to consider here that a tax on oil will have multiple follow on effects:
  • Reduction in the price of oil as pump prices cannot move up too much in the current economic climate. In effect, this counts as a transfer of revenues from the Middle East to the US government, channeled through the US consumer.
  • The initial shock of higher oil prices will push down US consumption, hurting the export-oriented economies of Asia. That in turn could prompt greater focus on domestic consumption in these countries and perhaps even realignment on the currency side (free floats).
  • An improved likelihood of carbon tariffs globally, which are designed to reduce per capita consumption of oil in the US and Europe, as well as more gradually, in Asia. This will also push down the use of fossil fuels in Asia, with China likely to fare the worst given its high emissions.
  • Increased focus on research and expenditure on new technologies to supplant the oil economy. Since the US, Japan and Europe have the lead on technological innovation, the initial benefits will perhaps be felt there more considerably. Gradually, other countries like China and India will also benefit from the new technologies.

    There you have it - to defeat the Taliban, Americans and Europeans will need to curb demand for opium derivatives at home as well as destroy the stable revenues of the oil producing Middle Eastern countries. The wrong strategy would be to deal with the symptom without dealing with the cause appropriately; precisely why the current strategy is a colossal failure.

    In effect, the US and NATO need to start "bombing" at home rather than in far-off countries: reduce the use of drugs and oil domestically if they ever want a real chance to control the menace that the Taliban have become, and will morph further into over the near term.

    (Copyright 2009 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)

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