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India walks Israeli-Palestinian tightrope
By Harinder Mishra

JERUSALEM - India and Israel are to hold foreign-ministry consultations followed by a joint working group meeting on counter-terrorism in New Delhi this month, signaling continuity in all of the diverse aspects that characterize bilateral relations between the two countries.

"The foreign-ministry consultations, slated for 17th of this month, will take an overview of the different aspects of our bilateral relations and outline new possible areas to further strengthen cooperation between the two countries. We will also be briefing the Indian ministry on the current regional developments and they in turn will brief us on the situation in South Asia," Mordechai Amichai, director of the Indian Foreign Ministry's Asia and Pacific division, told Asia Times Online.

"The Joint Working Group meeting on counter-terrorism to be held towards the end of the month will analyze and evaluate the threat posed by the menace of terrorism and try to formulate effective ways to jointly tackle it," Amichai said.

The meetings, the first of their kind under the new dispensation in New Delhi, allay all apprehensions in Jerusalem regarding the continuation of bilateral relations in their various manifestations, though it follows certain disconcerting signals for Israel which emerged under the shadow of an effort by India to warm up its traditional ties with the Palestinians.

The new government in India, backed by the left front, has maintained that its relations with Israel are of "vital importance" ever since its formation, but it has taken a few "corrective measures" to put a check on India's eroding credentials as a friend of Arabs in general and Palestinians in particular. The developments prompted some analysts to dub the deepening ties between the two countries during the past six years as a brief honeymoon between the former ruling party in India, the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP), and the ruling Likud party in Israel.

While Israel maintained a "studied silence", monitoring New Delhi's moves under the new United Progressive Alliance (UPA), India took some decisive steps to put a check on the growing belief that it was drifting away from the Arab world due to its growing closeness with Jerusalem.

At least four significant measures, unthinkable during the previous regime, were taken by the UPA government to reaffirm India's earlier steadfast and unambiguous support for the Palestinian cause. In its policy outline it stated to "strengthen its traditional ties with the Palestinians" without giving any mention to Israel, it condemned in no uncertain terms Israeli incursions in Rafah and recently in the northern Gaza Strip, sent Minister of State for External Affairs E Ahamed to Ramallah, who met with Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat and openly condemned his confinement to his muqata (headquarters) by Israel as indefensible under international law, and backtracked on the Indian chief of air staff's proposal for joint air-force training with Israel under pressure from left front constituents in the government.

The visit of Ahamed to Ramallah, skipping Jerusalem, marked a sort of "reversal of trend" given that several ministers under the previous leadership in New Delhi visited Israel while ignoring the Palestinian Authority. Though the earlier BJP-led alliance also maintained that its growing closeness with Israel had in no way diluted its support to the Palestinian cause, it was actually reduced to "symbolic" form, limited to favoring Palestinian-backed resolutions in the United Nations and lacking in substance.

Even when the BJP government did say something on the issue of the Palestinians it walked a tightrope between the two sides, balancing its act. For example, in a significant move it urged Israel to lift its first military siege of Arafat at his headquarters in Ramallah, and also asked the Palestinians to stop "acts of terrorism". In another incident showing complete lack of apathy to the Palestinian sufferings, the Indian government when approached by Hani al-Hassan, Arafat's special envoy, to seek help in breaking the impasse, reacted by merely showing "grave concern" at the deteriorating situation in West Asia.

It is noteworthy here that Israel has often been peeved at India's voting pattern in the UN and has tried to convince New Delhi to change it. The issue was one of the prominent items on Jerusalem's agenda during Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's visit to New Delhi last year but is said to have been rejected due to "domestic constraints".

Reacting to the changing trends, Amichai said, "India has been a little critical of Israeli policies recently but it will have no impact on the bilateral front." Other diplomatic sources also brushed aside any significant change in relations between the two countries, saying they are "based on shared concerns and has solid foundations".

The Israeli defense industry, which has emerged as the second largest supplier of arms to India, also looks quite relaxed with the formation of the UPA government in India and doesn't see any marked change happening in the strategic alliance developed between the two countries in the field. Defense sources emphasized that they have proved their reliability and have stood up to India's needs whenever called for and that they don't see any reason as to why that will be disturbed.

Israel indeed reacted instantly to India's request for sophisticated technology during the Kargil war in 1999 against Pakistan. "Things were delayed a little bit after the formation of the new government in India but they are moving on now. Nothing has changed and the attitude of New Delhi remains the same, like one of trusted partners," said Lova Drori, marketing manager at Rafael Armament Authority Development Ltd, in reaction to the kind of difference the change of regime in New Delhi has made to the cooperation between the two countries in the field of defense.

Professor Ephraim Inbar, an expert on Indo-Israeli relations at Bar-Ilan University in Tel Aviv, said there is nothing to worry about concerning bilateral relations between the two countries. "The Congress party will mature. States behave in realpolitik  matter practically and our interests are quite mutual. One of the important reasons that drew India towards us after the Cold War era was its willingness to get close to the US. The whole effort has been beneficial to us both and I don't see any substantial shift in its policy," he said.

India recognized Israel as a nation in 1950, but its relations with the Jewish state bordered on the unfriendly most of the time until the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1992. Preoccupied with the idea of not hurting the sentiments of the Muslim world and its reliance on Persian Gulf oil and remittance from India's large expatriate community in the Gulf, New Delhi shunned any possibility of forging ties with Jerusalem.

But with the change in the international scenario following the end of the Cold War when the Non-Aligned Movement started to lose its relevance, and the growing realization that the Muslim or Arab world was not a monolithic entity, with some of them maintaining open relations with Israel, India established fully fledged diplomatic relations with Jerusalem.

Relations have since grown leaps and bounds with the two countries today working together in counter-terrorism strategy, intelligence sharing, supplying defense equipment and undertaking joint defense-related research. The level of mutual trust has risen to such an extent that former Mossad (Israel's foreign intelligence service) chief, Shabtai Shavit, during a trilateral conference early this year expressed an interest in promoting an India-US-Israel "strategic triad", and proposed intelligence sharing in "real time" between the three countries in order to counter the threat of terrorism.

On the other hand, India recognized the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) as early as 1975 as the "sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people". In 1980, it granted full diplomatic status to the PLO mission in Delhi and maintained unflinching support for its struggle.

The recent overtures by India towards the Palestinians have helped it to re-establish its image as a friend and supporter of the Palestinian cause. The Palestinian Authority has pledged to back India's claim to permanent membership at the UN Security Council(UNSC).

"We carry high regard and goodwill for India and will do everything in our capacity to further its claim for a permanent seat at the UNSC. We will also try to exert our influence with others to help India's cause," a spokesman for the Palestinian Authority Foreign Ministry, Muhammad al-Waheidi, told Asia Times Online.

A ceremony organized in Ramallah in September for the donation of medicine worth Rs10 million (US$219,000) and 12 jeeps to the Palestinian Authority by Indian Minister Ahamed struck an emotional cord with the Palestinian leadership, which has been isolated and left forlorn during the recent past.

To sum it up, there is no doubt that India sees relations with Israel as of vital importance and would like to continue to promote this strategic alliance. At the same time the new dispensation in New Delhi also seems to be on a "corrective course", through a slight change in nuance, by trying to underline that its ties with Jerusalem will "not be at the cost of the Palestinians". While there have been several visits to Israel by high-level defense officials after the UPA government took office this year, the forthcoming meetings will be the first major indication of continuity in bilateral relations in all established areas, putting to rest all speculation regarding any possible change in India's policy toward Jerusalem.

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Nov 4, 2004
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