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In India, publish and be persecuted
By Sudha Ramachandran

BANGALORE - Last week, the Tamil Nadu Assembly ordered the arrest of senior editors and the publisher of India's most respected English daily, The Hindu, and the editor of a Tamil newspaper, Murasoli. The incident is the most recent in a chain of instances in which the government has sought to undermine democratic institutions and browbeat the media, raising concern over the growing intolerance of politicians in India to criticism or challenge of any sort.

It was an evening of high drama last Friday, when on the order of the Tamil Nadu Assembly's privileges committee, police officers entered the premises of The Hindu in Chennai to arrest the editor, the executive editor, publisher and two senior journalists. The charge against them was that they had breached legislative privilege.

The committee, which is dominated by the state's ruling All-India Anna Dravida Munethra Kazhagam (AIADMK), found an editorial published in the April 25 edition of The Hindu - and reproduced subsequently in Murasoli - to have "lowered the dignity" of the legislature by tarnishing the name of Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa. The editorial in question used words like "incensed", "stinging", "diatribe" and "high-pitched tone" to describe Jayalalithaa's speeches. Justifying the arrest order, the speaker of the assembly said that "abusive and intemperate language had been used against the chief minister".

The Hindu is currently celebrating the 125th year of its founding. It is one of India's most influential and respected English dailies. It is known for its responsible reporting. In fact, it is generally regarded as a rather staid and sober newspaper with an aversion for sensational journalism. The Murasoli is the mouthpiece of the Dravida Munethra Kazhagam (DMK), the main opposition party in Tamil Nadu.

Amma (mother) to the Tamil masses and puratchi thalaivi (revolutionary leader) to her ministers and party men (many of whom have her name tattooed on their arms), Jayalalithaa, a former film star, is notorious for her whimsical, authoritarian, intolerant and vindictive ways. Since the AIADMK swept to power in 2001, she has systematically pursued, humiliated and jailed her political rivals, especially those in the DMK.

She has used the Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA) against political rivals and journalists. Vaiko, who goes by one name, a prominent rival, was slapped with charges under POTA. He remains in jail to date. In July, Jayalalithaa's administration sacked nearly 200,000 government employees who were on strike. Hundreds of workers were taken into custody. A panel of two judges of the Supreme Court ruled that employees did not have any fundamental right to strike and that such illegal strikes had to be dealt with firmly by the authorities. It suggested that the state government reinstate the sacked workers, provided they offered an unconditional apology.
Incidentally, the Bharatiya Janata Party-led coalition government in New Delhi, big business and sections of the media praised Jayalalithaa's "firm action" against the striking workers. That it was a flagrant violation of the democratic rights of the citizens was ignored.

The Tamil Nadu government has also filed cases against other publications, including Dinakaran, The Statesman, Dinamalar, Dinamani, New Indian Express and Junior Vikatan. The Tamil magazine Nakkeeran has been subject to police raids. Its employees have been intimidated. Its editor has been arrested under POTA.

In her previous stint at the helm, Jayalalithaa was as hostile to the press as she is today. From 1991-96, her government filed over 100 defamation cases against media organizations and journalists. All these cases were withdrawn just before the elections.

The recent crackdown on The Hindu and other publications is therefore not an incident in isolation. It is part of a larger attempt to eliminate alternate centers of power and political opposition, to halt criticism of Jayalalithaa's style of governance, indeed of anyone who disapproves or speaks against any of her policies.

The Supreme Court's subsequent issue of a stay on the arrests on The Hindu and Murasoli journalists has come as a slap in the face of the Tamil Nadu government. But while this bout of the Jayalalithaa vs media confrontation might have gone in favor of the latter, Tamil Nadu's capricious chief minister is not about to give up yet. She has filed another defamation case against The Hindu for an article published on April 30. This is the 18th defamation case filed by her government against The Hindu so far.

The face-off between the Tamil Nadu government and The Hindu has prompted a demand for a codification of legislative privileges. It has raised concern on the erosion of democratic rights and freedom in the country.

An editorial in the Times of India points out: "The assembly's decision to 'punish' the journalists raises questions that go much beyond what is covered under the phrase 'freedom of the press'. At stake are also issues of overt political mala fides, constitutional propriety and the nature of public political discourse in the country," the editorial said.

"Are we living in a constitutional society with guaranteed rights for citizens and democratic institutions or are we already into a dictatorial setup in which anything said or written which is unpalatable to the government is met with arbitrary punishment?" asked the Deccan Herald in an editorial.

There are many instances where the government, not just in Tamil Nadu, but in the other states, and even the central government, has hounded journalists who have written not-so-positive pieces on its performance.

Last year, Time magazine carried an article "Asleep at the wheel", which depicted Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee as a feeble, sick septuagenarian with an eating and drinking problem. The article suggested that he was not fit enough to be in charge of India's nuclear arsenal.

The Indian government bristled and shot off a rejoinder, describing the article as baseless and motivated. And then it went after the author of the article, Alex Perry, Time magazine's correspondent in New Delhi. Perry was hauled up for holding two passports and asked to appear before the Foreigners Regional Registration Office in the capital.

The Time magazine article was, as an eminent Indian journalist B G Varghese described, "rather silly". But it did not call for harassment of the journalist. It showed the extent to which the government is sensitive, in fact, prickly to criticism.

A more serious level of harassment was evident in the case of the news portal Tehelka. Through a sting operation, Tehelka exposed a scandal in defense purchases involving top brass in the government and the defense forces. The expose was followed by a witch hunt of Tehelka. Tehelka's office in Delhi was raided several times. Its reporters have been threatened and kept in custody on trumped up charges. Aniruddha Bahal, who headed Tehelka's investigating team and was one of two journalists who posed as arms merchants, was arrested on charges of assaulting, obstructing and abusing an officer of the Central Bureau of Investigation. Another reporter, Kumar Badal, was arrested for allegedly violating the country's wildlife laws. The government's persecution of Tehelka has extended to its investors too. The unprecedented pressure that Tehelka was subjected to eventually forced the portal to shut down.

The media, especially the electronic and English media, in Gujarat came under attack for their "biased reporting" on riots in that state. While the Gujarati press, including the Gujarat Samachar and Sandesh, defended the Narendra Modi government's performance during the violence, the electronic media and English dailies exposed its complicity in the violence. Not only were reporters covering the riots subject to attacks by mobs and even the police, but also since then several reporters and human rights activists have been targeted. The experience of Mallika Sarabhai is an example. A noted dancer and activist, Sarabhai has been at the forefront of the battle against communalism in Gujarat. That has earned her the wrath of the Modi government. A false case relating to illegal immigration has been slapped on her.

In the northern India state of Uttar Pradesh, Mayawati, until recently chief minister, who goes by one name, would unleash her wrath in public on journalists who did not give her favorable coverage. Journalists considered unfriendly to her government were dropped from official press briefings or asked to vacate government-provided housing.

Harassment of the media by the government is not new in India. During the emergency, 1975-1977, draconian restrictions were imposed on the media. Hundreds of journalists, including senior editors, were arrested and spent time in jail. Electricity was cut off to newspapers that were not "friendly enough". What is heartening is that the media have always fought back.

Notwithstanding this dreary picture of the assault on the media, it is a fact that India has a vibrant media and have traditionally enjoyed an enviable level of freedom. What is worrying is that they are under threat. And while the press and politicians have clashed frequently in the past, what is of concern about the recent confrontations between the two is that politicians in power are using the coercive apparatus of the state to get the media to articulate their line. It is part of the creeping climate of political intolerance in the country.

(Copyright 2003 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)
 
Nov 13, 2003



 

     
         
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