South Asia

Pakistan's wonderlands with little wonder
By Aijazz Ahmed

ISLAMABAD - He is in his 64th year, an age when a man should be extra careful about exposing himself to extremes of temperature. But Yaqoob's soul is not at rest, and every morning he sets off for the neighborhood mosque at four in the morning in the sub-zero temperatures of Pakistan's winter for the first of five daily visits.

"I clean and sweep the mosque as it is the house of the lord [God]," says Yaqoob, eyes beaming behind what should be a white beard, but is dyed coal black. "I can secure a place in heaven and in the hearts of men in this way."

Yaqoob personifies a dying breed in the country. He is a volunteer servant at the mosque, but many others like him have given up such work as a result of the fundamental changes in the role of mosques in Muslim society brought about by commercial, communal and sectarian mullahs injecting violence and intolerance into the country's social structure.

Wonder, glory and sanctity are traditionally associated with the mosque. For a Muslim, building a mosque is a lifetime priority to book a berth in heaven. But, since the late 1980s, in tandem with mosques losing their role as teaching facilities for society, mosque-building has become a lucrative business for many a mullah and land-grabber with a commercial, rather than a spiritual bent. Mosques can attract a lot of money through donations, made every week by pious Muslims in the name of Allah, and from funding by mentors and foreign donors.

The role of the mosque in traditional Muslim society is twofold. The first and primary one relates to worship, and the other to social activities, explains Hafiz Hussain Ahmed, the deputy secretary general of the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal (MMA), the alliance of Muslim parties that won unprecedented gains in the latest parliamentary elections.

"The mosque was the community center, the place of worship, the general headquarters of the time of Muslim armies, it was the center of social gatherings and the solution of community problems," says Ahmed. "From nikah ceremonies [sermons of marriage under Islam and the Koran] to the education of children, everything was done in the mosque. It was the general headquarters, the foreign office of the Prophet Mohammed, the government secretariat of the first Islamic government of the Prophet Mohammed and the following four governments of Muslim caliphs," he adds. The Prophet Mohammed performed all his duties through the Nabvi mosque in Medina, Saudi Arabia; the first Muslim university was established in the same mosque, while all official delegations from the non-Muslim world were received and feted in the same mosque, says Ahmed.

And there was more: Even the first state bank and finance ministry of the Islamic world were established in the Nabvi mosque, baitulmal (a charity department to help the poor), the first shoora (parliament) and all other social activities of the Muslim community were performed through the Nabvi and other mosques.

This situation endured for the first orthodox caliphates (the governments of the first four orthodox caliphs), but after the Ottoman caliphate, the mosque lost its governmental role and centrality as the caliphs of the other families started performing government functions through their palaces. The Muslim monarchs then used the mosques to strengthen their rule; they appointed the paish imam (the man who leads prayers in the mosque) and the moazan (the man who delivers the azan - call to pray), and the monarchs bore all expenses in this regard.

Nowadays, says Ahmed, the problems that many Muslims face all over the world often stem from their distance from mosques. A mosque should be the center of their activities, it is a place where all are equal, whether they are haves or have nots. He firmly believes that the revival of such a central role for the mosque could reconcile the current enmity between different schools of thought in the Muslim world and help bring an end to the violence that characterizes their differences: Official figures indicate that in Pakistan alone, approximately 1,000 mosques have been attacked and desecrated over the past five years as a result of communal and sectarian differences.

Mosques and politics
In the Middle East nowadays, mosques are widely used by political and jihad movements to shape the views of people, especially at Jumma (Friday) prayers, says Abu Abdullah, an Arab activist in Islamabad. The mosque does have a special political role, he says, but not the sort of role that the Taliban gave it in Afghanistan, he stresses.

In Iran after the Islamic revolution of 1979 the mosque became the public secretariat of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini to perform his official duties. Nevertheless, it still retains a particular educational and political role in Iranian society, in the latter sense to educate people about the enemies of Iran, but not to oppose the Iranian government.

This is true, too, in many other Islamic countries, such as Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine, Indonesia and Malaysia, where current affairs, political affairs and jihad are regular topics of discussions in mosques.

"In Jordan, people are politically charged, motivated and shaped through mosques," says Abu Abdullah, adding that even in the national elections of Jordan in the 1990s the mosque was used with success for the political campaigns of religious leaders.

In Kuwait, the mosque also has a political role. Although the government regulates the mosques, committees running the day-to-day affairs arrange discussions on political, diplomatic, social and religious issues to train their people and to form public opinion, says Mahmood Abu Saleh, an Arab working in Pakistan in a private investment organization.

In Indonesia and Malaysia funding for mosques is the basic responsibility of the government, but every mosque has a school (mohed) attached to it to educate and train children, says a student of the International Islamic University in Islamabad. "We cannot arrange or hire people for jihad or agitation activities, the government keeps a strict vigilance on activities, but even than the mosque propagates basic duties of the Muslim, including jihad, he adds.

In Malaysia, the Islamic Party (PAS) controls two provinces - Tarangano and Kelarton in the north - and they use the mosque to influence people in their favor and against the perceived enemies of Muslims, like the United States and the West, he adds.

In Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, all mosque activities other than educational are banned, says Abu Abdullah. All mosques have modern madrassas (religious schools) attached, which is not like the situation in Pakistan where the madrassas are independent of the mosques.

"But the situation is entirely different in Palestine. Hamas and the Islamic Jihad Organization use mosques as their training and recruitment centers," says Abu Abdullah, adding, though, that the mosques are certainly not used as military training centers. Any call for a jihad against Israel emanates from the mosque, as do strike calls. Even the Intifada movement of Palestine in the early 1990s was announced from a mosque.

Prayers and politics in Pakistan
There were an estimated 25,000 mosques in united India at the time of partition in 1947, now about 500,000 mosques are registered in Pakistan with the government, with about the same number not registered. Out of Pakistan's total population of 142 million, therefore, this means that there is approximately one mosque for every 142 people.

In Pakistan, the mosque was the center of communal activities until the 1970s. As was the practice across the Indian subcontinent, the mosques were run by local Muslim communities through donations as private outfits. The day-to-day affairs of a mosque fell under the jurisdiction of a committee that was elected from the local populace. Punchayats (local committees that settled differences and issued decrees in controversial matters) were responsible for the mosques and all their activities. Very few mosques fell under government control through its Department of Auqaf (endowment).

Then the first government of prime minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto of the Pakistan People's Party, which came into power in 1971 with the breakup of the country that led to the creation of Bangladesh, established a religious ministry and a fully-fledged department to run the affairs of the mosques. Most came under the control of the government, which started regulating their affairs, including paying the salaries of the imams and moazans, and heavily subsidized utility bills.

It was Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) that first hit upon the idea of using mosques to play a political role. In 1977, the military, with tacit US support, staged a coup, throwing Bhutto out of power and installing General Zia ul-Haq as dictator. In a campaign to soften public opinion prior to the coup, the ISI persuaded many imams and religious leaders to use the forum of the mosque to rail against Bhutto and give their support to Zia's Pakistan National Alliance (PNA). Many offered special prayers entreating god to end Bhutto's government.

A campaign against Benazir Bhutto (premier from 1988-1990 and 1993-1996) was run from the mosque where speakers used the Jumma prayers to speak against the rule of a woman as being un-Islamic.

This sowed the seeds for the sectarianism that has plagued Pakistan society over the past years. People started building mosques for their own particular sect or school of thought, and this course reached its peak after the Afghan jihad in the late 1980s, when the government lent its full support (read money) to mullahs, and the jihadi groups turned the business of running a mosque into a profitable one.

After the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan in 1989, the groups that had exported jihad to Afghanistan and later to Indian-administered Kashmir began to dominate the national religious scene, and the mosques as well. Sectarian tendencies turned violent. Shi'ite and Sunni mosques were the particular targets of splinter groups among the two rival factions of Islam, with mosques being desecrated, or namazies (divine prayers) disrupted. Thousands of people have lost their lives. Most of the attacks have taken place in densely populated and secular cities like Karachi, Lahore, Multan, Hyderabad and Rawalpindi.

Maulvies (Muslims religious leaders) started building wanted or unwanted mosques at a rapid pace. Even Islamabad was their target. Every patch of green belt or empty place was captured by the maulvies to build a mosque, as it was a good way get some financial benefits, better their social status and live in Islamabad at the cost of the others. And worse, many spread ignorance and religious intolerance. The government does not support this practice, but it cannot clamp down too hard as they are a potential law and order threat. Many mosques receive substantial donations from philanthropists keen to appease their inner soul and conscience, when in fact such donations are tax deductible.

Dr Manzoor Ahmed, a scholar, psychologist and researcher on religious issues laments that religious parties began the trend of using mosques only for their political gains. "The practice should be stopped and the glory of the mosque should be restored if we want to remain on the international scene as a moderate, literate and sane nation."

Iftikhar Arif, a renowned poet and researcher, agrees. "The mosque should be a religious and community center and not a center for increasing religious intolerance and sectarianism. Unfortunately, people controlling the mosques are injecting violence in the people, and this is the reason for a rapid decline of praying. People are becoming oblivious to religion and society."

Another concurring voice comes from Talat Masood, a writer, analyst and anthropologist. "Intolerance in our society is at an increase and that is the reason why we are far behind other nations. The mosque should be taken as an institution, not as a tool for self gain."

But Aftab Ahmed, a human rights activists who works on bonded labor, differs somewhat. "Maulvies in the majority of mosques are innocent. They are illiterate, not fully trained to meet day-to-day religious requirements and to match modern-day challenges. They have been misused by the politically motivated religious parties and the political mullahs aligned with the right-wing agencies since the days of the Afghan jihad. In a situation like this, how can they activate mosques as community centers?" asks Ahmed.

Although registered mosques are under the strict control of the government, and an ordinance prohibits them from being used for anti-government or anti-US speeches, and the majority observes this ban, the situation is such that mosques continue to be used as political and sectarian pulpits. This is especially so in private mosques in the politically vibrant parts of Punjab and Sindh, and especially in North West Frontier Province and Balochistan, where the mosques are largely under the influence of the more radical and militant Islamist groups.

Further, mosques cannot be closed down, as this is against the religion, although imams can be transferred or arrested for violations.

As long as one particular sect cannot even enter into the mosque of another sect, the mosque cannot play a useful role in society. This is the tragedy that has befallen Pakistan.

Next: Pakistan's political mullahs

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Feb 19, 2003



 

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