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2 US 'declaration' a setback for
Maliki By Sami Moubayed
specified that the US would come to
Iraq's defense if and when it came under any
attack by a foreign power.
On the economic
level, the declaration called for canceling all of
Iraq's foreign debt and helping it attract direct
foreign investment. The non-binding agreement does
not mention a timetable for the withdrawal of US
troops from Iraq. Sources in Baghdad say that
Maliki was reluctant to say "yes" to the US
president, knowing
that
this would be an earthquake within conservative
circles of Iraq. He was pressured to do so,
however, by the Americans.
The Sadrists,
who had been flirting with Maliki for 10 days,
immediately cut off contacts, claiming that the
agreement "sets the ground for long-term
occupation". Muqtada was furious that Maliki never
presented the agreement to Parliament before
signing it off with the US President. One of his
top commanders, Falah Shanshal, said that it
"contradicted" with everything the Sadrists had
been working for (in terms of a rapprochement with
Maliki).
Earlier, Maliki had presented a
document to the Political Council for National
Security. It contained a clause asking for a
timetable from the US administration, and stressed
the need for the Americans to transfer all
military and administrative affairs to the Iraqi
government. In the current draft of the
Maliki-Bush agreement, no such clauses existed.
The earlier document also called for a military
pact with the United States, which was vetoed by
the Sadrists because "it was an attempt to find a
legal framework to keep foreign troops [in Iraq],
or a civilian occupation".
The Iraqi
Accordance Front (equally furious at the prime
minister) sent a strong-worded condemnation of the
agreement to the US Embassy in Baghdad, signed by
its leader, Vice President Tarek al-Hashemi. He
claimed that the agreement was "flawed and
ambiguous". Adnan al-Duleimi of the Iraqi
Accordance Front spoke to the Iraqi newspaper Ilaf
and added, "The Iraqi government, represented by
the prime minister, acts arbitrarily and
unilaterally and seeks to exclude all political
components." He said that Maliki "is in charge of
everything in a dictatorial, strict manner [words
often used by Maliki himself to describe
ex-president Saddam Hussein]".
He then
called for reducing Maliki's powers, accusing him
of "dictatorial domination and despotism". In a
clear message on whether the Front will return to
power, after having flirted with Maliki for the
past 10 days and reduced its conditions for a
comeback, Duleimi added, "I do not think the
political process will advance. Rather, it will
fall behind." He wrapped up saying: "Maliki is
sectarian. He wants to monopolize power and
exclude political entities ... I am absolutely
certain that Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki wants
to exclude the Front and marginalize the Sunnis."
Maliki's office responded to the avalanche
of protests by assuring the Iraqis that what was
signed with the Americans was "a set of principles
and not a treaty". It was non-binding and
therefore, did not need parliamentary
ratification, said Sadeq al-Rikabi, a political
advisor to Maliki.
Watching the war of
words between Maliki and everybody else is the
Anbar Awakening Council. The US-backed group is in
a tight position. In as much as it enjoys its
newfound status - from rebel to freedom-fighter,
in American terms - it realizes that it cannot
antagonize the Iraqi street by cementing its
alliance to Maliki and the Americans. The
"declaration of principals" makes life all the
more difficult for the Awakening Council.
The assassination of Abu Risheh is a clear
reminder of what will happen to those who become
too close to Bush. Adnan al-Duleimi, who despises
the Awakening Council (seeing them as puppets for
the Americans), has often said, "They cannot be a
substitute for the Accordance Front. We are MPs
elected by the Iraqi people. We are the real,
official representatives of an important
political, demographic and sectarian component of
Iraq."
With such a campaign against them,
the Awakening Council will have to reconsider
their alliance with Maliki in light of his
"declaration of principles" with Bush.
Not
calling for a timetable for US troop withdrawal is
a red line that most major political groups in
Iraq will not tolerate. If Maliki does not change
course - fast - then not only would Muqtada and
the Front re-lose their confidence and willingness
to cooperate with him, but so will the Awakening
Council. And if that happens, Anbar province,
whose newfound security has been a source of pride
for the prime minister, will rise into flames once
again. Simply put, the tribal leaders, afraid of
angering the Front and losing support in their own
constituencies, will refuse to fight al-Qaeda any
longer.
Sami Moubayed is a
Syrian political analyst.
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