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    Middle East
     Jul 14, 2007
Page 2 of 2
War games, mind games or the real deal?
By Sami Moubayed

leaders fear that somebody will attack Israel - or Israel will feign an attack - and then blame it on Hezbollah, using the ordeal as a pretext to relaunch war against Lebanon. This time, unlike the case in 2006, the Israelis will be more prepared for Hezbollah.

Amid all of this tension comes a puzzling factor - increased media talk about a military confrontation between Israel and Syria. That would have been possible in July 2006. As the war dragged on in



Lebanon, Olmert found it increasingly difficult to explain to the Israelis why his army was not winning a battle against a small group of guerrilla warriors. It was feared that if pressure rose within Israel, Olmert would attack Syria to prove to the Israelis that he was serious and capable of fighting the problem (Hezbollah) and its backers (Syria and Iran).

Part of that argument still stands. Olmert is still in a difficult position and, on the anniversary of the war, has solved none of Israel's worries with Hezbollah. A Round 2 with Lebanon, however, would seem more likely than a Round 1 with Syria. The Syrian Arab Army, although untried in battle for many years, is well armed and well trained. It can fire real missiles at Israel - not just Katyusha rockets. It has a military pact with Iran. There is no real reason to attack Syria unless Olmert wants to fabricate an excuse to go to war against the Syrians.

That can easily be done in a variety of ways. One way would be if an attack were launched against Israel by one of the many armed groups in Palestine. This attack would be blamed on Hamas, which is supported by the Syrian government. Already there is a campaign to root out Hamas from within the occupied territories, with Israel attacking it from outside and Fatah fighting it from within.

Proponents of the Israel-versus-Syria war claim such a conflict would lead to a weaker Damascus and the flushing out of Hamas. All of that, naturally, would incapacitate Hezbollah. Another way to wage war on Syria would be if hostilities were created on the Lebanese-Israeli border, and then blamed on Damascus.

On July 11, the Jerusalem Post quoted a recent intelligence report saying that war with Syria is possible if Olmert does not find a peaceful solution for his problems with Syria. The newspaper added that if war were to break out, it would be many times worse for Israel than its confrontation with Hezbollah last year.

Some people believe that Syria is the one interested in war, not Israel. They point to an alleged massive Syrian troop buildup along the Golan Heights. Supporters of this argument claim that such a war would do wonders for Bashar al-Assad's government in Damascus (just as the October 1973 war served his father's career) and make it increasingly difficult for Arab countries allied to the US, such as Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Lebanon or Egypt, to support any anti-Syrian maneuvering in the international community, or through the UN.

In his inauguration speech at the new Syrian Parliament in May, Assad noted that war was possible with Israel because "there is no progress in the peace process and there is not any contact with Israel, whether secretly or publicly, because Israel is not ready for the just and comprehensive peace which needs strong leadership that can take decisive decisions".

The deputy chief of staff of the IDF, Major-General Moshe Kaplinsky, came out this week, however, saying the opposite, claiming that war with Syria is unlikely. He added, however, that Israel is ready to counter any attack, coming from Hamas, Hezbollah, Syria or Iran.

"I hear the voices but to the best of our assessment, which is also my personal assessment, we do not expect a war this summer from Syria," Kaplinsky said. Israel's mobilization on the Syrian border was in response to Syrian troop movement, he added, calling it a "defensive" measure. He also noted that "Hezbollah is rebuilding itself. But we are ready for all possible scenarios."

Part of this preparation is training 70% of Israel's reservists and exercising military units along the Golan. One of Israel's most famous units, the Golani Brigade, has just completed high-profile war games. Guy Hazoot, the officer in charge of the 91st Division deployed along the border with Lebanon, noted: "The worst case is war, and we have to be prepared for the worst case."

According to further press reports from United Press International, quoting "well-informed sources in Washington", a "confrontation between Syria and Israel may happen this summer".

Dennis Ross, the Middle East envoy under former US president Bill Clinton, was quoted in the online edition of Yedioth Aharanot saying that there is "a risk of war" between Syria and Israel this summer. He added, "The Syrians are positioning themselves for war."

Somebody out there, either on the Israeli side or the Syrian one, has read his Middle East history too well. In May and August 1973, Sadat repeatedly threatened to go to war against the Israelis. Frantic, Israel would mobilize to fight, and Sadat would do nothing. Every time, the mobilization would cost Israel about US$10 million. Because he always threatened to go to war against Israel and never did anything, nobody believed him when he threatened war in 1973. That is exactly what Sadat wanted.

One week before the war on October 6, 1973, the Egyptian Army began moving toward the Suez Canal. Israeli intelligence, detecting large troop movement toward the canal, did not do anything in response, thinking this was one of Sadat's many failed promises of war. He needed these gestures, they believed, to build his reputation in the Egyptian street. Movement of the Syrian Army toward the Golan Heights at the same time was puzzling but not worrying because Israeli was convinced that Syria would not go to war without Egypt. That explains, among other things, why the Israelis were caught off guard on October 6, 1973.

And today, the mobilization of troops has become an old joke in Syrian-Israeli relations. Whenever one party mobilizes, the other goes on alert, and nothing happens. Will it be different in 2007?

Sami Moubayed is a Syrian political analyst.

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