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    Middle East
     Dec 15, 2006
Page 2 of 5
REVAMPING US FOREIGN POLICY, Part 1

Full speed ahead, with menace
By W Joseph Stroupe

emboldening and rushing Bush on a dash toward furthering his own foreign-policy goals while he is still in a position to do so.

Long-overdue success or hastened failure?
But even if Bush had finally come to the point where he was genuinely getting in touch with the position of the electorate and with the reality of the total incompetence and profound destructiveness of his fundamentalist-evangelical, ideologically



oriented, militaristic foreign policy, and even if he genuinely wanted to find a multilateral and peaceful solution to the Iraq and wider Middle East crises that employed soft-power levers, is there any real basis for concluding that the door of opportunity to such solutions has not long since slammed irreversibly shut?

The mounting fear is that attempting now at this late date, in the aftermath of strategic blunder piled on top of strategic blunder, to "save" US fortunes in Iraq and the wider Middle East may be turning out to be an exercise in futility. US regional/geopolitical fortunes were massively imperiled, and likely squandered, nearly four years ago when Washington shoved strategic alliances and multilateral considerations aside to occupy Iraq.

When the US and Britain rushed to the military option first they simultaneously scorned as contemptible the germ of traditional, fruitful, multilateral soft-power strategies and they extraordinarily sowed instead the seeds of widespread, thorny, noxious "weeds". How will they now reap instead the tantalizing mangoes, grapes and pomegranates of strategic victory and success?

They have little or no viable chance of doing so. By their distinctly ham-handed militaristic approach they unleashed virulently anti-US counter forces and strategies that have become deeply ingrained across the region. They virtually locked themselves, the wider West and the Middle East region itself into an impasse whose only "solution" is yet additional military action.

Soft-power levers
In the lead-up to the Iraq invasion of 2003, the Bush and Blair administrations blatantly dismissed every semblance of genuine multilateralism and diplomacy and the traditional, strategically oriented soft-power levers in a consequences-be-damned dash to heave themselves on the military levers alone.

For nearly four years since then they have conceitedly and overconfidently continued to disregard both opening and opportunity to extricate themselves from a mounting quagmire they blindly refused to acknowledge, snubbing all along the way the repeated calls to adopt a policy of genuine engagement of the region's players in a comprehensive solution.

They have continued to pursue one-dimensional militarized "solutions" at the near-total sacrifice of all their former soft-power standing and leverage. They have thereby gravely undercut the meaningful cooperation and confidence of their allies and deeply alienated their rivals across the region and beyond.

The US and Britain now occupy a position of profound weakness as respects any possession of genuine and compelling regional/global leverage and they fully own a miserable negotiating position, and their rivals (the "evildoers") fully understand how that provides them the opportunity to capitalize on US/British misfortunes and weaknesses that are largely self-inflicted.

In any negotiations for a grand (or any lesser) solution, the US and Britain would either be mostly forced to accept the favorite terms of Iran and Syria or be left largely unable to verify compliance with and enforce the better terms of an agreement, even if they could get a promise from the regional players to adhere to desirable terms. This is an eventuality the US and Britain simply cannot accept because it would further propel Iran toward its goal of regional ascendancy over the oil-rich Arab regimes - that is the nightmare scenario for the West.

Opportunistic and clever Iran now has the US and Britain pinned into a position of strategic disadvantage, and it fully knows it. So do the much larger sponsoring powers Russia and China. These two have with adroit strategies employed Iran, Syria and other Middle East entities as their proxies and willing adherents in an insidious game to erode further, and even collapse, the Middle East and global leverage and influence of the US.

Syria is offering to "help" the US in Iraq - but it has said the US must first set a definite date for withdrawal of its forces from Iraq. Additionally, ascendant Iran and Syria have massively upstaged a weakened US and Britain by inviting the Iraqi leadership to a closed three-way summit to discuss and plot Iraq's direction. The Iraqi president has accepted the invitation. These are examples of the kind of "help" the US can expect from its regional rivals now that it owns the severely weakened position described above.

In the view of the Bush administration, Iran and Syria have already acquired too much regional influence and leverage and they are misusing those assets to cut directly across US interests and goals. To sit down at this point with them to negotiate an Iraq or wider Middle East solution would only further elevate their respectability, position, influence and leverage and make the US appear as a weak supplicant by comparison. This would boost Iran and Syria along the path of achieving regional control and even dominance.

From the Bush administration's perspective, the only conditions under which the two can be brought into negotiations are that they must first agree unconditionally to bow to the will of the US on a

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