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Iranian students have their
day
By Hooman Peimani
A
student demonstration against the privatization of some
Iranian universities turned political on Tuesday night
as the participants chanted slogans against the ruling
regime. The Iranian anti-riot police arrested about 80
demonstrators, finally dispersed the crowds, although
small-scale protests continued until early Wednesday.
Symbolically, the event reflected a growing impatience
among Iranians with slow-paced and half-hearted reforms
that have failed to meet their expectations for a
radical change in the country's political system.
All reports suggest that the demonstration began
as a protest against a government decision to privatize
an unspecified number of Iranian universities, most of
which are state-run. The decision is consistent with the
Iranian government's policy of privatization of public
institutions, which includes just about all fields,
including higher education.
The initial few
hundred demonstrators began their protest inside Tehran
University. On campus demonstrations have been tolerated
since 1999, provided that they remain there. The
demonstrators reportedly left the university and their
numbers increased to a few thousand. Both Iranian
government and journalist reports confirmed that the
students chanted anti-government slogans. They included
a demand for an end to clerical rule and for justice,
freedom and democracy, as well as a demand for President
Mohammad Khatami's resignation. The demonstration could
well be a prelude to a series of student demonstrations
all over the country as the fourth anniversary of the
1999 student demonstration is approaching. At that time,
peaceful demonstrations turned bloody as the security
forces attacked Tehran's University's dormitories in
which one student was killed and many were injured.
Hundreds of students were arrested in its aftermath. The
Khatami government promised an inquiry to prosecute
those responsible for the attack, which he described as
tragic and unacceptable. However, the inquiry process
went nowhere, while all the arrestees received harsh
sentences.
As reported, this week's
demonstrators hinted at further protests as they
reminded the ruling elite of the upcoming anniversary.
Sensing this possibility, which could go well beyond
on-campus events, Iranian government spokesperson
Abdullah Ramezanzadeh announced on Wednesday the
legality of on-campus memorial events throughout Iran.
The conciliatory tone of the government was accompanied
by Intelligence Minister Ali Yunisi's warning about
anti-government student demonstrations at the time when
Iran was under American threat. He therefore stressed
the determination of the security forces to suppress any
unrest. Tuesday's events, according to him, were foreign
orchestrated as he blamed American-based anti-government
satellite television programs, an unrealistic reason for
student protests given the depth of social discontent
and a long history of political activism on Iranian
campuses.
The demonstration is not all the
surprising. It is not a secret that the majority of
Iranians are dissatisfied with the status quo and have
demanded over time the establishment of a secular
democratic political system. Even a government-conducted
opinion poll last year indicated that over 90 percent of
Iranians were dissatisfied with the status quo. The
election of Khatami as president in 1997 created hope
among his people that he, as the leader of the reformist
faction, would pave the way for a peaceful transition to
a secular democracy. However, he and his faction have
confined themselves to minor reforms within the
framework of the Islamic regime to the extent that they
do not undermine its raison d'etre.
No wonder
that the reformist faction has gradually lost the
overwhelming popular support it enjoyed in 1997 and kept
for about two years. Such development reflected in a
very low turnout in the recent elections for city and
village councils and the heavy losses of the reformist
candidates, a sign of a losing popular legitimacy of not
only the reformist faction, but of the whole regime.
Based on a visible lack of legitimacy for the
ruling theocracy among Iranians and their desire for a
peaceful fundamental change, many dissidents inside and
outside of the reformist faction have demanded a
referendum to determine the people's desired political
system. Their argument is based on the inability of the
Khatami-led reformist faction to democratize Iran, as it
is committed to preserve the ruling theocracy. Being in
prison for their expression of dissent in one form or
another, many of those dissidents are confident that the
majority of Iranians will choose a secular democracy if
they are given an option between the existing theocracy
and the aforementioned political system.
Without
a doubt, Iranian society is prepared for a fundamental
change in its regime, not only for political and social
necessities, but also as an economic imperative. While
failing to secure the basic rights and freedoms of
Iranians, for which they overthrew the Shah's regime in
1979, the ruling religious system has proven unable to
address economic problems and ensure the growth of
Iran's economy, despite the country's vast economic
resources and its having a large educated population.
Nevertheless, student protests in themselves are
not capable of facilitating the desired change as long
as they remain scattered as they can then be easily
contained or suppressed. Having said that, the 1.7
million Iranian students attending a large number of
higher education institutions, if acting as a united
social group, could certainly function as a catalyst of
change, encouraging other social groups to join a
peaceful movement for the formation of a secular
democratic system. If, then, the student protests can
continue, they have the potential for growth and
consolidation. The degree of support for the Tehran
protestors among other campuses across the country and
the ability of the protesting students to attract other
social groups within the next few weeks will determine
whether this week's protest can lead to a popular
pro-democracy movement, or is merely another sign of
frustration among the Iranian students.
Dr
Hooman Peimani works as an independent consultant
with international organizations in Geneva and does
research in international relations.
(Copyright 2003 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All
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