Middle East

Important distinctions - the many faces of Islam
By Marwaan Macan-Markar

BANGKOK - Asia's moderate Muslims have unlikely allies who are giving legitimacy to a view that they asserted after September 11 - that Islam is not a monolithic faith, that there are many Islams.

Their unwitting supporters are a growing chorus of high-profile, neo-conservatives in the United States who are calling on Washington to deem Saudi Arabia an American enemy because of the form of Islam it practices and exports - Wahhabism.

This view has gained currency "within the [President George W] Bush administration - especially on the staff of Vice President [Dick] Cheney and in the Pentagon's civilian leadership - and among neo-conservative writers and thinkers closely allied with administration policymakers," the Washington Post newspaper wrote last week.

This group views Wahhabism as troubling because it sees a strong anti-US sentiment being pushed by its exponents. Adherents of this argument cite well known examples: Osama bin Laden and a majority of the 19 hijackers who participated in the suicide strikes in New York and Washington. Bin Laden, the man wanted by the United States for planning the September 11 attacks, and the majority of the hijackers came from Saudi Arabia and were adherents of Wahhabism.

In shedding light on the dangers of Wahhabism for the United States, the neo-conservatives are implying that a distinction can be made between this form of Islam that has taken root in Saudi Arabia, and the other Islams across the world. But for moderate Muslims in Asia, the problem with Wahhabism has little to do with the US twist and goes back years.

Following September 11, when Islam was pilloried as a monolithic faith that propagated terror, moderate Muslims attempted to offer a counterpoint. They asserted that the faith was far from monolithic, ranging from the more austere and extremist form practiced in the Middle East, particularly Saudi Arabia, and the other strands of Islam evident in Muslim communities in Southeast Asia, South Asia and Central Asia.

"Had the Muslim community been given the chance to choose its leaders, the likelihood is that we would not have chosen a bunch of Wahhabi or Deobandi extremists to speak for the rest of the Muslim community," Farish Noor, a political commentator in predominantly Muslim Malaysia, wrote in an article titled "Who elected you, Mr Osama?" as early as last year. The Muslim community, he added, "is much bigger and certainly more diverse".

Wahhabism emerged in the 18th century and since then became a pillar of legitimacy for Saudi Arabia's monarchy. Its adherents comprise just 10 percent of the world's more than 1 billion Muslims, but its conservatism includes restrictions on women's rights and participation in public life and it has succeeded in convincing the Saudi monarchy to ban all other religious practices in the country.

The Deobandi movement matches Wahhabism in its conservative views on Islam. The school that propagates this interpretation of Islam is based in Deoband, an Indian town, and represents the extreme fringe of the faith in Asia. Afghanistan's defeated Taliban regime was a product of the Deobandi ideology.

Another moderate Muslim voice, Surin Pitsuwan, Thailand's former foreign minister, also reiterated the broad spectrum in Islam and the differences between the faith as practiced in the Middle East and in Southeast Asia.

"This distinction has become a point of controversy ever since Islam arrived in our region over 10 centuries ago," Surin wrote in a newspaper commentary in late September. "Some consider the Southeast Asian brand of Islam less pure, and our Muslims less puritanical and less true to their faith than those in the Middle East."

Asia's moderate Muslims are amply qualified to shed light on the attempt by the Wahhabi movement, backed by Saudi funding, to impose its narrow, intolerant and oppressive views on other Muslims across the continent. This is because Asia is home to many strands of Islam, including those who belong to the two broad categories of Sunni and Shi'ite, those who accept at least two of the four legal traditions of the Sunnis and to those who accept Sufism as a part of their faith.

The Sunnis are the majority among the world's Muslims, while the Shi'ite Muslims make up the minority. The Wahhabis are members of the Sunni majority. This divergence in Islam - one of the first since the death of Prophet Mohammad in 632 - resulted in the Sunnis accepting the fundamentals of the faith and the customs of the prophet. The Shi'ites accepted the fundamentals of the faith and placed additional loyalty to Ali, Mohammad's son-in-law.

Shi'ites make up the majority in Iran, while pockets of them live in South Asia, from India and Pakistan to Afghanistan, and Central Asia. The rest of the region is largely Sunni.

Sufism, on the other hand, is more widespread, with adherents living in Southeast Asia, South Asia and Central Asia.

With regard to the Sunni legal traditions that prevail, Hanafi, the oldest school and often described as the most liberal, is embraced by Chinese Muslims, those in Central Asia, and parts of South Asia. The Shafi legal tradition is evident in Southeast Asia and in South Asia.

In addition, the likelihood of Muslims in Asia having a broader outlook in religion is greater because a number of them live in close proximity to adherents of other beliefs, like Buddhism, Hinduism, Christianity, Jainism and Taoism.

For the Wahhabis, however, much of what passes for Islam in Asia could be considered a deviation from the fundamentals teachings of the Koran, which is anathema to them. The Wahhabis even have an Arabic word that they use to express disgust for any practice they deem "not Islamic" - bida.

The followers of Wahhabism have been trying to make inroads into the world of Asian Islam since the 1970s. This effort, backed by Saudi money, has had two objectives: to ensure that the Wahhabi version of Islam becomes the dominant form and to counter the promotion of Shi'ite Islam by Iran after the Islamic revolution there in 1979.

Hence, Wahhabi enthusiasts today have no qualms combating other Muslims in Asia, attacking their Sufi traditions, condemning those who recite prayers with songs, destroying mosques if they do not conform to the austere regimen of Wahhabism and ridiculing Muslims who celebrate the Prophet Mohammad's birthday.

For the Wahhabis, the ideal Islamic state was the one in Afghanistan ruled by the Taliban, where women were subjugated, laughter and song forbidden, and only one form of Islam permitted.

Moderate Muslims like Noor of Malaysia are well aware of the other torments in the Islamic world. These purists and "defenders of Islam" can "hardly speak for the thousands of other Muslims who have been killed by them in the quest for a model Islamic state," he wrote.

So when the neo-conservatives in the United States draw a distinction between Wahhabism and the other strands of Islam, Asia's moderate Muslims can say: We told you so.

(Inter Press Service)
 
Aug 15, 2002



 

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