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    Korea
     Jan 5, 2007
Page 3 of 3
CHINA AND THE US

PART 8: Bush's bellicose policy on N Korea
By Henry C K Liu

other people in the administration are saying, they're really not talking about a negotiation; they're talking about a court proceeding, a trial in which North Korea is the defendant at the bar and, you know, the United States is the judge, the jury and the executioner all wrapped up into one and the verdict is already in: they're bad guys."

In Iraq, this was exactly what happened to Saddam Hussein, a



former head of a sovereign state who had been captured as a prisoner of war by US invasion forces, then tried for crimes against humanity not by an international tribunal according to the Geneva Conventions, but by a biased tribunal, a special court operating outside the normal judiciary of the US-installed puppet regime that enjoys no unified national recognition. Saddam was handed over by US occupation authorities from his cell in a US military detention facility on the morning of his execution to a sectarian Iraqi authority and promptly hanged within hours despite wide condemnation worldwide, even by US allies, of the procedure as a travesty of justice. The first chief judge in the case, who had been dismissed for trying to conduct a fair trial, declared the execution by the Iraqi government illegal. The video of the savage hanging, widely posted on the Internet, confirmed the execution as a vile act of sectarian vengeance, carried out under official US sanction.

Caught up in the intense emotions of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, the US Congress on October 2, 2002, passed the Joint Resolution to Authorize the Use of United States Armed Forces Against Iraq to grant President Bush authority to "use any means necessary" against Iraq (which theoretically included the nuclear option), based on Bush administration classified testimony to Congress and open statements to the public that Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction, which turned out to be incorrect if not outright disinformation. Only 23 Democrat senators, led by Robert Byrd of West Virginia and joined by Ted Kennedy, out of 44 in the 100-member Senate voted against the resolution. Hillary Clinton, junior Democratic senator from New York, was not among them.

Three years later, Senator Clinton, now a soon-to-declare presidential candidate, wrote in a November 29, 2005, "Letter to Constituents on Iraq Policy" posted on her website:
In October 2002, I voted for the resolution to authorize the administration to use force in Iraq. I voted for it on the basis of the evidence presented by the administration, assurances they gave that they would first seek to resolve the issue of weapons of mass destruction peacefully through United Nations-sponsored inspections, and the argument that the resolution was needed because Saddam Hussein never did anything to comply with his obligations that he was not forced to do. Their assurances turned out to be empty ones, as the administration refused repeated requests from the UN inspectors to finish their work. And the "evidence" of weapons of mass destruction and links to al-Qaeda turned out to be false ... The Bush administration short-circuited the UN inspectors - the last line of defense against the possibility that our intelligence was false. The administration also abandoned securing a larger international coalition, alienating many of those who had joined us in Afghanistan ...

I take responsibility for my vote, and I, along with a majority of Americans, expect the president and his administration to take responsibility for the false assurances, faulty evidence and mismanagement of the war.
Yet 23 of her colleagues in the Senate and millions around the US and still more around the world were not taken in by such "false assurances". She could have asked her own husband, the former president, who was in an authoritative position to know the facts.

(See Part 1: The lame duck and the greenhorn
Part 2: The challenge of unilateralism
Part 3: Dynamics of the Korea crisis
Part 4: Proliferation, imperialism - and the 'China threat'
Part 5: Kim Il-sung and China
Part 6: Korea under Park Chung-hee
Part 7: Clinton's belated path to peace)

Next: The North Korean perspective

Henry C K Liu
is chairman of a New York-based private investment group. His website is at www.henryckliu.com.

(Copyright 2007 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)

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