UN appeasers let rogues call the
shots By Stephen Blank
From
all sides, pundits, officials, and all manner of
intellectuals assault the United States for disdaining
the United Nations, spurning inspections of Iraq, and
presuming to launch a coercive unilateral crusade to
make the Arab world safe for democracy. Likewise, these
same critics regularly flay Washington for not having
the wisdom to spurn the UN, renounce inspections of
North Korea and negotiate bilaterally with Pyongyang.
The inherent contradiction in these positions is never
commented upon and probably the motives of each one of
the above category of talking heads varies with the
individual.
Nonetheless, the UN's role (or lack
of a role) in the Korean crisis indicates its essential
uselessness at keeping the peace either there or in
Iraq. And the UN's shameful performance in these (and
other recent) crises highlights the fatuity of the
claims that inspectors should continue searching Iraq
even though everyone knows that whatever they will find,
the "do nothing" claque will find other excuses for
inaction.
On Wednesday the International Atomic
Energy Agency found North Korea to be in violation of
its agreements with that body and referred the "Korean
file" to the Security Council. Although the IAEA
carefully denied any intention to recommend sanctions
and claimed that it was in essence following the
regulations of its official remit, the option of
sanctions is now out in the open.
For its part,
the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK)
continues to shout ever louder that it categorically
rejects in advance any UN action or mediation and
insists only on talking to Washington. Meanwhile
Washington insists exclusively on a multinational
process inside the UN. Thus we have an impasse. But this
impasse is particularly revealing of some of the salient
facts of life in contemporary world politics.
North Korea has now violated its agreements to
suspend its nuclear program three separate times. As
Nancy Soderbergh, a former official of Bill Clinton's
presidential election campaign and administration,
recently observed in the New York Times, the DPRK broke
these agreements in 1992-93. The evidence of the current
violations relating to the pursuit of nuclear weapons
also dates back to the later stages of the Clinton
administration when relations with Washington were
improving and predate the George W Bush team's accession
to office.
In other words, whatever its motives,
the North Korean government is a serial violator of
international treaties. The issue here is not the Bush
administration's disrespect for North Korea or threats
of invading it, because the violations of international
accords long predated the administration's election.
What is clear is that the DPRK is a habitual recidivist,
ie, a rogue or outlaw state in the fullest sense.
Without detailed and consistent international pressure
over time, it also will probably not adhere to any
agreement to give up the pursuit of nuclear weapons,
regardless of what pundits from Beijing or Moscow tell
us would happen if Washington only harkened to
Pyongyang's anxieties and fears.
Yet despite the
fact that North Korea openly advertises itself as an
outlaw state, neither China nor Russia will confront it.
Evidently both these governments fear that if they
confronted North Korea their supposed influence that
gives them leverage over the DPRK would disappear. In
other words, this vaunted influence only exists as long
as it is never used. The fact that these two governments
both agree that Pyongyang will not accept any pressure
upon it only indicates just who really has the leverage
in these relationships, and it is neither Beijing nor
Moscow. Unless coerced by the international community
North Korea, like Mao Zedong's China, will eat grass or
rather obligate its people to eat grass while it pursues
a usable nuclear weapon and delivery systems. And what
will the UN do about this systematic, regular, and overt
flouting of the cornerstone of civilized international
life, the doctrine that treaties must be observed? It is
not hard to see that the answer is: absolutely nothing.
Here again the members of the Security Council,
states charged with the greatest responsibility for
upholding the international order and who habitually
sound off the loudest about the critical importance of
upholding the UN, show that their rhetoric is just that.
The UN clearly does not want to face this issue and has
been deterred by an outlaw saying that any effort made
to coerce it into accepting the same principles that
others live by will lead him to resort to more violence.
Thus the UN validates Winston Churchill's observation
that each of the appeasers of the 1930s sought to
appease Adolf Hitler and the other dictators in the hope
that others would be eaten before their turn came up.
Alternatively, perhaps, like Mr Micawber in David
Copperfield, they nervously and habitually go around
saying that "something will turn up".
Unfortunately international security cannot rely
on either the first or second form of appeasement. If
appeasement of those who would rip apart international
security continues, something will indeed turn up, but
it will not be peace. Similarly with Iraq, those
demanding more inspections and delays are in essence
more afraid to confront the aggressor than they are to
act against him, even though Iraq still has no nuclear
capability. As the US phrase observes, these
governments' response to international crises affecting
their own interests is "let George do it". But of
course, they do not want George to do it either. For
them the United States is somehow the enemy, not the
only force, misguided or not, that seems ready to stand
up for principles of international security and order.
Certainly it is obvious to any unbiased observer that
the UN is utterly unwilling and unable to confront
either of these aggressors of its own accord so it is a
useless reed insofar as the defense of peace is
concerned.
Perhaps these appeasers actually hope
to gain something from their economic ties to Iraq, for
as the records show, France was among the biggest
violators of UN sanctions, and Russo-Chinese
proliferation to Iraq, either directly or through
various third parties, is a matter of record. Or perhaps
these governments think that they can preserve their
so-called leverage in North Korea by refusing to use it
in a crisis. Either way it is clear that their actions
have validated the old observation that the UN cannot do
more than the members of the Security Council will let
it do. But if both they and it prefer to appease
aggressors rather than confront them, even peacefully,
who then will defend them when their time to be eaten by
their erstwhile friends comes?
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