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Saddam capture a stroke of good luck for Koizumi
By J Sean Curtin

The surprise capture of fallen dictator Saddam Hussein has given Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi precisely the boost he needs to implement his plan for dispatching his armed forces to the tyrant's homeland. The sudden arrest of the elusive Saddam represents an extraordinary stroke of good luck for Japan's premier that should allow him to see off his political enemies as well as clinch his place in the country's history.

The timing of Saddam's apprehension, just ahead of Monday's special parliamentary committee session on troop deployment, could not have come at a more fortuitous juncture for Koizumi. It will greatly help him overcome some tough opposition questions about his motives for sending the nation's military to the war-torn region and will effectively pave the way for the mission.

Last week, a smooth passage for the proposals seemed highly unlikely and there were genuine fears that the policy might even get bogged down over implementation arguments. However, Saddam's almost surreal capture in a grimy subterranean pit has completely altered the political dynamics behind the dispatch scheme and certainly proves that sometimes a day can be a long time in politics.

From Tikrit to Tokyo, Saddam's confinement has unleashed a massive wave of positive reaction that is surging around the globe. This has created an unexpected window of opportunity for Koizumi that will finally allow him to push through his long-delayed troop-deployment plan. Once the crucial special parliamentary committee session is concluded, executing the dispatch orders should be a relatively straight-forward process.

For Koizumi, another important aspect of Saddam's arrest is how this event will influence future interpretations of his recent national address on dispatching the country's armed forces. The televised speech will probably one day be viewed as a significant milestone in Japanese history and a reference point for foreign-policy development.

In a masterful performance, Koizumi did his best to persuade a skeptical public about the righteousness of the policy. Standing next to the national flag and trying hard to capture just the right measure of authority in his voice, the Japanese leader carefully explained why he believed the country must dispatch troops to Iraq. The prime minister repeatedly stressed the importance of participating in the international reconstruction effort and how this would strengthen the US-Japan security alliance.

He told his audience, "As a responsible member of the international community, Japan must help the people of Iraq so they can rebuild their country." With Saddam now in US custody and Iraqis dancing in the streets, the entire speech sounds much more visionary than it did when it was initially delivered last week. In fact, today one can almost imagine future history students some day carefully analyzing the text.

In his nationwide talk Koizumi also warned that the road ahead would not be an easy one. He emphasized that Japan's participation in the rebuilding of Iraq was part of the war on terror. It was for this reason that Japan must contribute men, not just money. The premier stressed that the time had come for Japan to demonstrate its solidarity with its allies and prove its worth. "The will of Japan and the spirit of its people are being tested. We are not in a situation where we can just offer financial support, but refuse to send men because it is too dangerous."

For almost 60 years, constitutional constraints have meant that Japan has only been able to make financial contributions to risky international peace and reconstruction efforts. Article 9 of Japan's constitution renounces war and it is for this reason that the country's formidable military machine is referred to as the Self-Defense Force (SDF). Even though the SDF is ranked as the world's fourth-largest military in terms of defense spending, it is largely invisible on the global stage. This fact has long frustrated many right-wing politicians and angered ultra-nationalists.

The SDF's absence during the war to liberate Kuwait obliged Japan to cough up a staggering US$13 billion in financial assistance for the campaign. Despite this enormous monetary contribution, Japan was left off the list of countries Kuwait officially thanked after hostilities ended.

Koizumi is determined to exorcise what he regards as a weak international impression of the nation and instead replace it with a more forceful vision of the country. Sending troops to Iraq and reinterpreting the constitution is the strategy he has chosen to achieve this objective.

In the future, it is likely that his national address and the subsequent troop dispatch will be considered as the moment when Japan finally re-emerged as a military force on the world stage. This is a development which will drastically alter the evolutionary path of both Japanese foreign and defense policy.

Generations to come will remember Koizumi as the first Japanese leader since World War II to send the nation's troops into an active war zone. However, what history will probably neglect to record is the extra momentum Saddam's capture gave the prime minister's efforts to refashion his country's global image radically.

J Sean Curtin is a GLOCOM fellow at the Tokyo-based Japanese Japanese Institute of Global Communications

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Dec 16, 2003



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