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     May 13, 2009
Page 3 of 4
MONETARISM ENTERS BANKRUPTCY, Part 3
Credulity caught in stress test
By Henry C K Liu
Part 1: Monetarism enters bankruptcy
Part 2: The burden of elitism

Using computerized models provided by the five big firms, the SEC, under its new Consolidated Supervised Entities (CSE) program, allowed the broker-dealers to increase their debt-to-net-capital ratios, sometimes, as in the case of Merrill Lynch, to as high as 40-to-1. It also removed the method for applying haircuts, relying instead on another math-based computerized model for calculating risk that led to a much smaller discount.

The SEC justified the less-stringent capital requirements by arguing it was now able to manage the consolidated entity of the broker-dealer and the holding company, which would ensure better management of risk. "The Commission's 2004 rules strengthened oversight of the securities markets, because prior to

 

their adoption there was no formal regulatory oversight, no liquidity requirements, and no capital requirements for investment bank holding companies," a spokesman for the agency rationalized.

In loosening the capital rule, which was supposed to provide a buffer in turbulent times, the SEC also decided to rely on the five big firms' own computer risk models, essentially outsourcing the job of monitoring risk to the banks it was supposed to supervise. Over subsequent years, all would take advantage of the looser capital rule to increase leverage.

The leverage ratio - a measurement of how much the companies were borrowing compared to their total assets - rose sharply at Bear Stearns, to 33 to 1. In other words, for every dollar in equity, it had $33 of debt. The ratio at the other firms also rose significantly. This advantage enabled the Big Five to go on a frenzy of acquisition, expanding risk to the entire financial system. The abuse of leverage was particularly severe in the hedge fund industry in which the Big Five were big players both in proprietary funds and as broker-dealers for large hedge funds which in turn were highly leveraged. (See Killer touch for market capitalism, Asia Times Online, October 30, 2008.)

Government bailouts and bank executive pay
Banks that received bailout money had paid their top executives nearly $1.6 billion in salaries, bonuses, and other benefits in 2007. Benefits included cash bonuses, stock options, personal use of company jets and chauffeured cars, home security expenditure, country club memberships, and professional financial management fees. The Barack Obama administration has promised to set a $500,000 cap on executive pay at companies that receive bailout money, but the proposal would also allow banks to give unlimited amounts of stock to these same executives, presumably tying compensation to performance, even though much of the recent rise in the price of bank shares were the direct result of government bailout. The losses are still there, only now the taxpayers are paying for them rather than bank shareholders.

On January 15, 2009, the out-going George W Bush administration and its Treasury team under secretary Paulson issued interim final rules for reporting and record-keeping requirements under the executive compensation standards of the Capital Purchase Program (CPP).

On January 20, Barack Obama assumed office as the 44th president of the United States.

On January 21, the new Obama Treasury under Secretary Timothy Geithner announced new regulations regarding disclosure and mitigation of conflicts of interest in TARP contracts. It was the first sign that Obama's "politics of change" might not be what it sounded like to voters during the campaign.

On February 5, the Senate approved changes to the TARP that prohibit firms receiving TARP funds from paying bonuses to their 25 highest-paid employees. The amendment was proposed by Christopher Dodd of Connecticut as an amendment to the proposed $900 billion economic stimulus act then yet to be passed. The fundamental flaw of TARP, the myth that the transfer of hundreds of billion of toxic assets from the private sector into the public sector can make them less toxic, was left unchanged while distraction on a minor point on executive bonuses was held up as a sign of the new populism.

The bank stress tests
On February 10, 2009, the newly confirmed but still understaffed Geithner outlined his plan to use the $300 billion remaining in TARP funds, announcing his intention to use $50 billion for foreclosure mitigation and to use the rest to help fund private investors to buy toxic assets from banks. Nevertheless, this highly anticipated speech coincided with a nearly 5% drop in the S&P 500 and was criticized for being short on details.

On February 26, the Obama administration, in unveiling details of its financial-rescue plan, laid out a dark economic scenario it expected banks to be able to withstand, the starting point for what could become a significant new infusion of government cash into the banking system.

The first step in the latest effort to shore up the banking sector would be a series of "stress tests" to assess whether the largest 19 US banks could survive a protracted slump. To ensure banks can survive even if the unemployment rate rises above 10% and home prices fall by an additional 25%, the administration would conduct stress tests that would end up requiring some institutions either to raise private money or accept a bigger investment from the government. The tests assumed a 3.3% contraction in GDP in 2009, which would be the worst performance since 1946. And it assumed home-price declines of another 22% in 2009 and 7% in 2010.

The stress tests assumed an unemployment rate averaging 8.9% in 2009 and 10.3% in 2010. Because that is an average for a whole year, the tests envision the jobless rate reaching higher than the average in some months. The rate was 7.6% in January. In March the unemployment rate for California was 11.2%; for Michigan, it was 12.6%. The Fed said it did not expect the economy to deteriorate as sharply as the test scenarios, but it wanted to be sure banks would be prepared for worst-case eventualities. Yet many believed the government's dark scenario was not dark enough on both unemployment projections and inflation expectations.

Laurence Meyer, a former Fed governor (1996-2002), a vice chairman of Macroeconomic Advisers LLC, a forecasting firm whose models are widely used in Washington and New York, told the press that "I don't have any problem believing the unemployment rate is going to move to 12% or that vicinity."

Meyer said regulators had to strike a delicate realistic balance in designing their tests - a truly grim scenario such as the economy contracted by 9% as in 1930, 6% as in 1931 and 13% as in 1932 could force banks to raise more capital than they were capable of raising, driving them further into the government's arms. In other words, the dreaded "N" word - nationalization. "You don't want to know the answer to some of the questions you might ask," Meyer told the press.

The tests were completed by the end of April but the results were not released until May 8 because banks were reported to have disputed the results. The Wall Street Journal reported that as a result of intense negotiation with banks, the Fed significantly scaled back the size of the capital hole facing the nation's biggest banks.

As used in the stress tests, Tier 1 common capital ratio is an estimate of capital available to common shareholders as a percentage of a bank’s risk-weighted assets.

The Fed has told banks it looked at the Tangible Common Equity (TCE) ratio, which measures how much shareholders would have left after liquidation. The TEC ratio shows the equity of a bank minus its preferred shares, goodwill and intangible assets as a percentage of tangible assets. The Fed wanted TCE to be at least 4% of a bank's risk-weighted asset. Citigroup's TEC was only 1.9%, Bank of America 2.9% and Wells Fargo 2.9%.

Citigroup, which has already been bailed out three times amounting to $45 billion, reportedly needs to raise up to $10 billion of new capital as a result of the stress tests. Bank of America, which has had $45 billion in government aid, was found to need $33.9 billion. Regional banks Wells Fargo ($13.7 billion) and PNC Financial ($600 million) were also among the banks that would need to raise more capital.

Citigroup is believed to be considering a plan to convert more than $15 billion in trust preferred shares - a hybrid of debt and equity - into common stock. Since trust preferred shares are held by non-government investors, this conversion could enable government authorities to inject further funds into the bank without raising its stake beyond the 36% it has already agreed to buy. Citigroup would have to force holders of trust preferred shares to convert them into common stock, which ranks below those securities and does not pay a yearly interest rate, by threatening to stop paying interest if they reject the offer.

Banks have 30 days after the stress tests to give the government a recapitalization plan and up to six months to correct any capital shortfall. The Fed's strong preference is for banks in need of fresh capital to either raise it through private capital markets or by selling assets. Banks that cannot raise private capital may have to sell to the government big stakes in their common equity to meet capital requirements.

Unlike the Bush administration's effort to pump $250 billion into banks, the Obama team did not commit a set amount of money to the effort. Obama said after taking office that banks would need additional funds beyond the $700 billion rescue package approved by Congress in the fall of 2008. The government's investment would come in the form of convertible preferred shares, which institutions could choose to convert into common equity at any time.

Regulators and investors have become increasingly concerned about the amount of common stock banks hold, since that is a bank's first line of defense against losses. Regulators said they expect banks would convert the shares to common equity as needed to help protect against losses.

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