SUN WUKONG Jiang gives China something to think about
By Wu Zhong, China Editor
HONG KONG - After the week-long Lunar New Year holiday, political and social
lives in China are returning to normal, with the National People's Congress
(NPC) kicking off a new session on Friday, as are provincial parliaments.
More so than usual, the sessions are worth watching this year. Annual
reshuffles of government officials in a number of provinces will be considered
and endorsed by local congresses. These are significant as they may serve as
preparation for a power transition at the 18th National Congress of the Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) in 2012 (see
New stars in China's firmament, Asia Times Online, December 10, 2009 ).
Traditionally, the Chinese People's Political Consultative
Conference (CPPCC) - the country's top political advisory body made up of about
2,200 non-communist groups' leaders, business elites, religious figures,
academics and celebrities - holds its annual session at about the same time as
the NPC. On Sunday, 13 people were appointed new CPPCC national committee
members. Of them, the most noteworthy are the 11th Panchen Lama and retired
Macau chief executive Edmund Ho Hau Wah, both of whom are likely to be elected
deputy chairmen of the CPPCC during the session that starts on Wednesday.
Like former Hong Kong chief executive Tung Chee Hwa, the possible appointment
of Ho to a privileged but largely honorary post rewards him for the successful
implementation of the "one country, two systems'' policy after Macau returned
to Chinese rule in 1999.
Since the 10th Panchen Lama died in 1989, no Tibetan religious leaders have
been appointed to national bodies, not even nominal ones. So the possible
election of the Beijing-endorsed 11th Panchen Lama, Gyaltsen Norbu, aged 20, as
a vice chairman of the CPPCC highlights the importance Beijing now attaches to
the Tibet issue. Beijing wants to use the Panchen Lama, considered to be the
second-highest spiritual leader of Tibetans after the Dalai Lama, as an
alternative public face of Tibetan Buddhism to the high-profile exiled Dalai
Lama.
In addition to such "hard" news, an intriguing "soft" story has caught the
attention of political analysts.
On February 24, shortly after the Golden Week spring festival holiday ended,
state-run China Central Television opened its prime-time evening news program
with a story about the publication of a book, Chronology of Jiang Zemin Thought:
1989-2008, by Central Party Literature Press. The book is a collection
of speeches and writings by the country's former supreme leader.
This is significant in at least three ways.
First, it introduces the concept of "Jiang Zemin Thought", where previously
Jiang's notions were limited to his "Three Represents", which are embodied in
the constitution. [1] As the title of the book indicates, the notions have now
been elevated to the much more comprehensive "Jiang Thought''.
In the CCP's history, only the late Chairman Mao Zedong had the honor of his
ideas being named as "Mao Zedong Thought". For English readers, this is
somewhat of a word game, but in China it has serious political meanings. In
Chinese, the word "Thought" in upper case (Sixiang) is almost synonymous
to "-ism". It was said that the CCP once wanted to adopt the word "Maoism", but
Mao himself declined, saying that "`we are all'' students of Karl Marx and
Vladimir Lenin so it was better to leave "-ism" to these teachers. Thus, the
more modest term "Mao Zedong Thought" was adopted in preference to Maoism.
Given Mao's contributions and status in CCP history, even Deng Xiaoping
refrained from using the word "Thought" to name his ideas. In the current CCP
charter, Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought and Deng Xiaoping's Theory (of
Reform and Opening Up) are listed as the guiding ideology of the party and
nation. Next to them is Jiang's "important'' idea of the "Three Represents''
and President Hu Jintao's view of "scientific development''.
Creative thinking and theorization are very important for a CCP leader, as Mao
taught "there can't be any revolutionary action without a revolutionary
theory". The launch of Jiang Zemin Thought signals an upgrade of his historical
status that may be likened to Mao's.
Secondly, as the title of the book shows, Jiang Zemin Thought includes his
speeches and writings long after his retirement. Officially, Jiang resigned as
party general secretary in late 2002, as state president in early 2003 and as
chairman of the Central Military Commission in 2004. But the book includes his
works from 1989, when he was hand-picked by Deng to be the supreme leader
following the June 4 Tiananmen crackdown, through to 2008 - four years after
his retirement.
This has raised suspicion that Jiang has been "intervening" in the operations
of the current CCP leadership since he retired. But until one reads the whole
book (which is not available to this author yet), such suspicions can hardly be
sustained. Jiang is known to be fond of showing off his calligraphy by writing
inscriptions. He also published some academic papers in his retirement. It is
not clear whether such politically irrelevant material is included in his book.
Lastly, the book is published by Central Party Literature Press - the most
authoritative publishing house for party documents and writings of CCP leaders.
Given the unwritten rules of the CCP, no party leaders, retired or in power,
can publish anything without authorization. Hence the book must have had the
green light from the CCP power center. This means, therefore, the formulation
of the term Jiang Zemin Thought is officially endorsed.
All this, plus the sensitive timing of the publication, has led some
China-watchers in Hong Kong to believe that Jiang, now approaching 84, wants to
tell the world that he still remains influential, politically and
ideologically, and may have some say in the leadership reshuffle at the 18th
party congress.
Needless to say, having been at the "core" of the third-generation leadership,
Jiang certainly retains his influence. But after his retirement this may have
become increasingly more symbolic than substantial as time passed. Following
Chinese tradition, Hu as his successor has to pay respect, though not
necessarily heed him.
From another perspective, Jiang's book could be seen as his effort to secure a
higher status in the history of the CCP and hence the nation. Like previous
Chinese rulers, from emperors in dynasties to Mao and Deng, Jiang cares very
much about how he will be remembered. Jiang as a person may pass away, but
Jiang Zemin Thought will live forever. For Hu, upgrading Jiang's status is
meant to pave the way to upgrade his own status when he himself retires in two
years from now.
However, as Chinese history shows, it is one thing how a Chinese leader wishes
to be remembered, it is quite another how he will actually be remembered. Will
Jiang Zemin Thought last forever? Only later generations will tell.
Note
1. The Three Represents is a socio-political ideology adopted by the Communist
Party of China at its 16th Congress in 2002. The official statement of the
ideology stipulates that the Communist Party of China should represent advanced
social productive forces, advanced culture, and the interests of the
overwhelming majority.
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