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    Greater China
     Jun 30, 2007
In 1997, we knew the big news in advance
By Muhammad Cohen

HONG KONG - It didn't get much better for news reporters and producers than Hong Kong at the start of 1997. We already knew what would be the biggest story of the year.

Whether you called it the return of Hong Kong to the loving embrace of the big motherland or the craven surrender of free people to "Communist" China, it was a once-in-a-lifetime news event where media had advance word on the players, time and place for coverage.

Deng Xiaoping's death in February gave the story a dimension of irony previously missing. Deng was the architect of the "one 



county, two systems" formula for Hong Kong's reunification that he wouldn't live to see. He was better known, then and now, as the driving force behind "socialism with Chinese characteristics" that turned the mainland into a global economic powerhouse.

It's worth remembering - and hard to forget for those of us in Hong Kong - that mainland China was not the world's most dynamic economy in 1997. It wasn't even considered the most important economy in Greater China.

Deng's famous 1991 visit to Guangdong province reignited the spirit of reform that had languished in the wake of the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown. While introducing welcome market elements to China's state-dominated economy, reform also unleashed all manner of scams aimed at enriching Communist Party members and their cronies at the expense of state coffers and private investors. The end of Iron Rice Bowl (cradle-to-grave security provided by the state) threatened massive social turmoil, with cutbacks in state industries putting millions out of work and threatening tens of millions of additional unemployed.

President Jiang Zemin was no expert in economics. ("Only Zhu Rongji understands economics," Deng said, and Zhu didn't replace Li Peng as premier until March 1998.) In 1997, China's worst case was a fitting sequel to the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution: 100 million angry, desperate jobless with no social safety net to catch them. Tiananmen Square would look like a picnic.

The best case cast China as Alice in Through the Looking Glass, forced to run as fast as it could to stay in the same place. And in 1997, the notion that China could sustain double-digit growth despite its bankrupt political structure and unsound financial system seemed truly the stuff of Wonderland.

There was an Asian century coming, but it would belong to Southeast Asia's tigers plus the industrialized, revitalized emerging democracies South Korea and Taiwan. Perched at the crossroads of this Asia, Hong Kong would ride these tigers to its new burst of post-colonial, 21st-century prosperity.

As the handover approached, Hong Kong was not just at the center of Asia, but at the center of the universe, a global melting pot bubbling with pure gold. Legions of freshly minted overseas investment bankers sported housing and travel allowances bigger than their classmates' salaries on Wall Street (where the dot-com bubble was still just a pimple).

China was the big story about to ripen - but China had been "about to ripen" for foreign businesses for more than century by then. While waiting for this China business to fatten on the vine, there were banking deals to be done in Manila, Seoul, Bangkok and Jakarta.

These bankers and their bosses back home were the people we wrote the news for in Hong Kong during those heady pre-handover days. When July 1 came, we lavished the event with every bit of reverence and weight lent by Britain, China and the thousands of reporters parachuted in. But in the end, we journalists knew it was more sound and fury than substance.

Like fireworks that celebrated it, the handover streaked across the sky and made spectacular viewing, but within minutes it was over and the sky was unchanged. For journalists, that's the easiest news story to cover, even if it leaves you hungry for more an hour later.

While we were sleeping off the handover celebrations, Thailand devalued the baht, triggering a financial earthquake across Asia. Decades of economic progress seemed to dissolve in weeks. Urban sophisticates whose fathers drove oxen saw the Mercedes they'd been driving repossessed. Middle classes had their jobs and their status splattered in the currency and stock-market carnage.

The crisis quickly reached Hong Kong as deals dried up and bankers fled, taking with them demand for premium-priced housing. That was enough to burst the property bubble, dragging down the stock market pumped to record levels by tycoons eager to show their confidence in Beijing's rule. With demand from overseas also contracting, Hong Kong's economy fell into recession.

As the crisis grew, news media in Asia had a real, unanticipated story even bigger than the handover. But it wasn't a story anyone wanted to hear, especially overseas viewers, networks and their sponsors paying the bills. As market liquidity shriveled, so did demand for news from Asia. An even bigger story was just ahead, as China, insulated from the regional crisis by currency controls and unsophisticated financial institutions, replaced the wounded tigers as the factory floor to the world.

Of course, by then the world's attention had turned far away from Hong Kong. The real biggest story of 1997 broke on August 27 in a Paris tunnel, the death of Diana, Princess of Wales. That year, with its biggest story already written, became the summer of unexpected bad news.

Former broadcast news producer Muhammad Cohen is special correspondent for Macau Business and author of Hong Kong on Air (Blacksmith Books), a novel set during the 1997 handover and Asian economic meltdown featuring television news, love, betrayal, high finance and cheap lingerie.

(Copyright 2007 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)

The day Britannia sailed away
(Jun 30, '07)

The humbling of the white man in Hong Kong
(Jun 29, '07)


 

 
 



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