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    Greater China
     Dec 19, 2006
Page 4 of 5
REVAMPING US FOREIGN POLICY, Part 3

The rising pole of the East
By W Joseph Stroupe

and mostly empty threats out of Washington regarding China's "unfair" economic policies serve as but one example among many of an admission of Washington's loss of significant control of the helm of the US economy.

The US cannot afford to take action that angers China and the big economies of Asia for fear that its primary source of crucial



foreign cash inflows would be lost, or that it would become entangled in an economic war in which it is entirely ill-prepared to prevail.

Is all the foregoing the result of careful strategies, unforeseen occurrences or a combination of both? No matter the answer, the rising East fully appreciates the unique global position it is being ushered into and it is unlikely to squander its global opportunities the way the US has done, especially since 1991 when it failed to look ahead and to make the most of its opportunities to create a US-led order that virtually all the global players could and would willingly be loyal to, as president George H W Bush promised the US would do in 1992.

India firmly in tune with the vision
Where does India stand on the great issue? Its leaders have repeatedly and fervently come out in favor of an end to unipolarity. India's meteoric rise, not insignificantly fueled by the acquisition of advanced technologies from the West, is only adding to the geopolitical leverage of the rising East where it fully knows its economic, energy security, diplomatic and geopolitical fortunes lie.

India has concluded an important agreement with the US over acquisition of advanced nuclear technologies. Many judge predominantly by appearances and assume India is thus moving into alignment with the United States, but that is simply not the case. As an emerging power, India knows full well the crucial role of the acquisition of such technologies, and its foreign policy has a "face" (more than a mere facade but much less than a true representation of its genuine alignment) that serves to facilitate such acquisitions.

But as in the deal with the US, these agreements are concluded almost entirely on terms favorable to India. It is unwilling to sacrifice its autonomy and independence from the West in any agreements it concludes. Simultaneously, India is meaningfully strengthening its ties, alliances and economic interdependence with Russia, China and the wider East. There should therefore be little uncertainty about in which direction India is genuinely aligning - it is aligning eastward.

The recent visit to India by Chinese President Hu Jintao illustrates the truth of the above analysis. The two great powers are steadily deepening their strategic ties in the key spheres of bilateral economic relations, security, diplomacy and energy.

They see each other as key centers of power in the developing "multipolar" (read: an end to US-led unipolarity) world order and continue to take meaningful steps along the path of peaceful co-existence, in spite of the many obstacles in their way. The 10-point joint statement issued by Hu and Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh included the declarations that the two great powers intend to strengthen their trilateral ties with Russia and that they intend to push ahead to create a new international energy order that is fair and equitable, and to diversify the structure of the current order, as reported by Xinhua News Agency.

That signals that the current US-led global energy order is not the one that is being strengthened and adhered to by the rising East, and such a development has enormous, incalculable implications for the West and for the ability of the US to maintain its position of global dominance. So contrary to the largely unfounded expectations of most analysts, and despite some surface appearances, India is fundamentally aligning toward the East.

It's all about structure
The skeptic will often acknowledge all the foregoing analysis as that based solidly on the observable facts, yet will cling to the objection that the arising of any truly cohesive yet multifarious pole of the East requires a grand unifying organizational or institutional structure that formally encompasses its multitude of diverse members. The skeptic will assert that it needs a NATO-like institutional arrangement or an EU-like organizational structure, for example, to achieve genuine cohesiveness and the ability collectively and effectively to challenge the US colossus.

However, as it relates to the origination of unity and the achievement of fundamental cohesiveness among diverse members, that argument in essence confuses cause and effect, mistakenly reversing their roles. With respect to the origination of a deep-seated unity and cohesiveness among members of a diverse group, the organizational and institutional structures are much less the cause producing unity and cohesiveness; they are rather much more the effect, that is, the corporeal expressions of a more ethereal but profoundly potent and persuasive cause - the commonality, the shared aims and goals that come to exist first within and among a group of individuals or powers and that galvanize them.

If that commonality (shared vision) exists first, then the members may subsequently and progressively come together to form a tangible organizational or institutional structure or structures that properly and more effectively express their common will. Therefore, the commonality and cohesiveness come to exist first and they serve as the cause, which then often produces the follow-on effect of the formation of organizational or institutional structure.

It is vitally important to understand the fundamental distinction between cause and effect as it relates to the rise of the multifarious East as a cohesive center of power, because those

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