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    Central Asia
     Apr 8, 2008
Russia's WTO hopes on borderline
By Kaveh L Afrasiabi and Natalia Gold

Russia's quest to join the World Trade Organization received a nominal boost at the weekend from President George W Bush, who in his talks with President Vladimir Putin in the Russian resort of Sochi reaffirmed the US commitment to help Russia accelerate the accession process - which began 15 years ago.

Yet growing signs of new complications on several fronts, including the US, Europe, and some of Russia's immediate neighbors, may slow or even thwart Russia's accession to the trade body, irrespective of the gains already made during long-drawn out bilateral and multilateral negotiations and extensive changes in Russia's trade regime in preparation for the country's membership of the WTO.

First, Russia has unexpectedly increased the tariff on its timber

 

exports, raising the ire of European Union, which has threatened to scuttle Moscow's WTO membership bid. Unless the Russia-EU negotiations succeed in resolving this dispute, a new "chill" in Russia's path to WTO will be unavoidable.

Europe accounts for 22% of Russian timber exports. China, accounting for some 60% of those exports, also has a stake in these negotiations and may retaliate if they reach an impasse - which they may well do given the gap between the parties over what is the optimum timber tariff and Russia's stated intention to enhance its domestic paper manufacturing industry by increasing investment in the timber milling manufacturing. Such investment has already increased to 47 billion rubles (US$2 billion) in 2007 from 37 billion rubles in 2006.

Despite Europe's complaint of Russia's "WTO-inconsistent" move on timber exports, Russia is unlikely to scale back to the tariff level deemed agreeable by the EU. The choice is therefore with the EU to decide if this particular issue should be allowed to torpedo Russia's WTO bid.

The timing of this dispute plays into the hands of Moscow officials, who seek a "balanced approach" between the WTO objectives of liberalized trade and Russia's (sector by sector) national economic interests.

Second, Ukraine, which beat Russia in the race to join the WTO, has threatened to exercise its right to join the WTO working group and thus to put pressure on Russia on energy issues, and "non-economic" issues such as cooperation with NATO and deployment of the Russian Black Sea Fleet in Crimea.

Third, although Russia has concluded most of its WTO-based bilateral trade negotiations, it faces an uphill battle with Georgia, whose president, Mikhail Saakashvili, has explicitly tied in the on-going Russia-Georgia WTO talks to vexing territorial issues. In a strong response to Saakashvili's comments to the Russian daily Kommersant, the Russian Foreign Ministry has issued a communique that reads in part:
Separately we have to dwell on the assertions of Mikhail Saakashvili on the question of the Russian-Georgian WTO consultations. In the course of these consultations the Russian side has from the outset been unambiguously stressing that practical realization of any mechanisms of customs control at the Gantiadi-Adler and Nizhny Zaramag-Roki checkpoints depends completely on progress in the settlement of the Georgian-Abkhaz and Georgian-Ossetian conflicts and on the consent of Sukhumi [capital of Abkhazia], and Tskhinvali [capital of South Ossetia].
Fourth, both Ukraine and Georgia are seeking to join NATO, much to the chagrin of Russia which, in the words of President Putin at the recent NATO summit in Bucharest, regards NATO's eastward expansion as a "threat". The two seemingly discrete issues of NATO's expansion and Russia's WTO membership have now increasingly intersected, raising the prospect of more, rather than less, geopolitical considerations acting as breaks on Russia's process of accession.

With the US acting as a WTO "gatekeeper", much depends on the climate of Russia-US relations, which remain conflictual in light of the conviction held by the Russian leadership that they have seen an absolute disregard of Rusian interests by the White House, to paraphrase Konstantin Kosechyov, the chairman of the State Duma Foreign Affairs Committee. With a host of divisive issues between them, ranging from Kosovo's independence to the US's plan to install a missile defense shield in Eastern Europe to the crisis around the CFE Treaty (on reducing conventional forces in Europe), to NATO's expansion, the US and Russia are apt to resort to any available leverage with respect to each other, be it concerning security, economic issues, or trade, in their current games of strategy towards each other. A trade-off whereby Russia would concede on its neighbors' induction to NATO in exchange for US backing for Russia's WTO membership, is not very likely given Moscow's security priorities.

Narrowing gaps between security and economic considerations, reflecting an unprecedented willingness of countries such as Ukraine and Georgia to link extra-economic issues with WTO issues, count as a minus as far as Russia is concerned. In turn, these developments set a tougher test of leadership for the Russian President-elect, Dmitry Medvedev, who in his campaign speeches had expressed a desire to accelerate Russia's bid to join the WTO.

Medvedev may already have discovered that the complexities of Russia's foreign affairs preclude a neat compartmentalization of economic and security issues; the two are interrelated and though the route to Russia's WTO membership is grounded on legal and economic issues, the combined trade, political and geostrategic factors are now threatening that process.

With deft diplomacy, Moscow may still wrap up WTO deal-making this year, as hoped for by the country's trade negotiators. Both the US and EU will make important economic gains from Russia's membership through improved access to the country's markets. New investment opportunities in Russia will also be created, which in today's global recession-threatened economy will undoubtedly be welcomed by not only in the West but also worldwide.

Kaveh L Afrasiabi teaches international relations at Bentley College. Natalia Gold teaches business at Bentley College, Massachusetts.

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