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    Central Asia
     Jun 16, 2007
Page 1 of 2
The Third way to win big - or lose
By John Helmer in Moscow

MOSCOW - The modern history of making money the easy way - by taking it from people who didn't know they had it, and couldn't notice when it was gone - is founded on the most elegant of the irreducible fractions, one-third.

According to a series of reports this month by David Leigh and Rob Evans of The Guardian in London, the influential Saudi Prince Bandar bin Sultan has been on the receiving end of a quarterly payment of 30 million pounds sterling (US$60 million) every three



months for at least 10 years. That totals about 1.2 billion pounds. This purports to be an arranging fee for a series of arms purchases by the government of Saudi Arabia from British arms manufacturer BAE Systems. So far, the transaction series has been worth about 43 billion pounds. The money for Bandar was not characterized as commission, but as quasi-official fees for marketing services. In short, about 2.8% of deal value.

The sums look enormous, and they are. But the percentage is paltry. It hasn't proved to be illegal in the United Kingdom (bribery, fraud, perjury, racketeering, money-laundering, etc), because the prime minister put a stop to prosecution. The US government is about to decide whether it wants to go further.

The Guardian also reports that "accidentally released UK documents reveal that the basic price of the planes was inflated by 32%, to allow for an initial 600 million pounds in commissions". That means the British got all the deal value they thought they were entitled to; the extra was actually paid out of the Saudi public purse. The announced transaction price was a cover for concealing the larceny from the Saudi man in the street.

Someone in BAE may one day be obliged to testify as to why 32% was selected, not 33% - one-third. It looks as if it was the simplest way to accommodate the round figures that Bandar, his pop and their mates demanded from BAE's initial deal price. Possibly it was a religious decision - to avoid the third, and preserve the recipients' good fortune. For pious Muslims revere the Third no less than Christians and Jews - there are, for example, three holy cities for pilgrimage, Mecca, Medina and Jerusalem. Christians revere the Holy Trinity; and Jews divide themselves into three tribes, led by three patriarchs, chanting prayers three times a day; and so on. King Solomon made the point for all believers: "A three-ply cord is not easily severed."

In Moscow, the Third is the orthodox rule of business - it's the amount of deal value in Russian asset transactions, which is generated over real or fair value, to pay arranging fees, intermediary fees and shares. For example, when Roman Abramovich agreed in 2005 to sell his interests in the source of his fortune, Siberian Oil - the Sibneft oil company - to the Russian state company Gazprom, the deal price of $13 billion is understood to have included one-third for distribution to related interests. Allegations of personal corruption are rife, and spill into the anti-Vladimir Putin Western media from time to time.

But when in 2006 Abramovich's holding company bought a controlling stake in the Evraz steel group, Russia's largest steelmaker, for an undisclosed price, the deal is understood to have been paid, in part, from the Russian Third. And when and if the Kremlin orders Abramovich to transfer that stake to a state-controlled steelmaker such as Russpetsstal, a division of the arms monopoly Rosoboronexport, you can be certain that the valuation and deal price will be arranged to allow one-third to be creamed off and distributed to all sorts of people on all sides of the deal.

It is necessary to understand that in Moscow, as in Riyadh, the taking and then sharing of the Third is not wrong. More than that, it's that fraction that makes the deal possible in the first place. It's therefore normal business practice. Today, that is.

Russian asset history since 1991 is testimony to what the outside powers celebrated as the reform of all time, the destruction of Soviet economic, political and military power. In the case of natural resources underground, such as the world's largest reserves of gas, or of oil, nickel, platinum, etc, the assets were taken by a handful of men whose names were on the A-list for National Day celebrations at the British and US embassies. Their take was not 33%, but 100%. High-ranking government officials acquired nicknames reflecting what was supposed to be their shares in the process - "Pasha Mercedes" and "Misha Two-Percent" are well known for doing financially better than their monikers suggest.

Taking the assets back for the common good of Russians has been President Vladimir Putin's self-appointed task, and the one for which he is justifiably popular. (It should be remembered that the Russian Communist Party did not advocate doing to the oligarchs what Putin did - until after he had started.) It has been a difficult task. If prosecuting the asset thieves according to Russian law, and confiscating the assets, had been Putin's only option and modus operandi, there would not have been enough forensic accountants, prosecutors, judges and jail space to sustain the process.

And so it has happened that the Third has been devised to make the return of assets relatively quick and, from an administrative point of view, relatively non-disruptive of the revenue, profit and investment-generating process, on which the revival of the Russian state depends. This is different from the Bandar Bang - that third is paid by BAE to keep supplying a commodity the Saudi state doesn't need, for a price its people can't afford, for the enrichment of the ruling family, whose corruption is the principal reason they are obsessed with military security, and incidentally, the principal reason that the man named Osama bin Laden exists.

The Russian Third is different. It pays the state's administrators the premium that is needed to ensure that they have a greater incentive to return the assets than to allow the thieves to get away 

Continued 1 2 


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