Central Asia

Iron fist leaves no room to move in Chechnya
By Hooman Peimani

According to the Russian Emergency Situations Ministry, more than 40 people were killed and more than 60 wounded on December 27 when two Chechen suicide bombers drove two trucks containing explosives into the Chechen government compound in Chechnya's capital, Grozny. The attackers' ability to pass through three security cordons around the compound reflected the inability of the Russian security forces to ensure even the security of the pro-Moscow republican government, despite the massive and brutal suppression of Chechen separatists, the blatant human rights abuses by the Russian military in Chechnya, and several dismissals of the Russian military commanders there.

Undoubtedly, the bombing was a clear case of security failure of the Russian forces stationed in the republic, although the two pro-Moscow high-ranking republican officials, Akhmed Kadyrov (head of the republican government) and Mikhail Babyche (his deputy) were not in the compound at the time of incident. Being the house of Chechnya's government, the severely damaged compound was reportedly protected by three security cordons established by Russian forces.

In his reaction to the incident in Moscow, where he was at the time of bombing, Kadyrov expressed his shock and requested an investigation into the actions of the security forces around the compound, as he stated, "How could the terrorists have managed to break through three fences around the government building?" However, he reportedly did not call for increased security measures in Grozny on the grounds of the futility of such measures, including checking cars through road blocks, to prevent further attacks, given the ability of Chechen "terrorists" to act as if they are "masters of Grozny", as evident in their operations in that city.

Apart from the heavy casualties and severe damage to the compound, the attack on the Chechen government compound was a major embarrassment for the Russian government. Prior to the incident, the Kremlin insisted on the Russian forces' military success in Chechnya and on its putting the republic on the path of normalcy, a situation promising the end of the military operation there in the near future. Based on that argument, on December 18, the Russian government turned down the Russian parliament's call for a state of emergency in Chechnya. However, the December 27 attack clearly proved otherwise. Particularly, the choice of target and the success of the attackers demonstrated the operational capability of the anti-Moscow Chechen militants as well as their determination to pursue their cause, ie, independence for Chechnya.

The failure of the Russian government to restore its authority in the breakaway republic has not been confined to the mentioned case only. In fact, Moscow has failed to achieve that objective through use of brute force since 1991 when the fall of the Soviet Union triggered the independence movement in Chechnya. After tolerating the latter's practical independence for about three years, the Russian massive military campaign in 1994, which lasted until 1996, only resulted in heavy casualties for both sides to the conflict without securing the Russian objective of ending the independence movement in Chechnya. In the end, Moscow had to accept for a while (although not officially) the irritating status quo - the republic's practical independence.

Beginning in 1999, the second military campaign to secure the same objective has only brought about a self-declared success for the Russian government. Through its massive use of force, including heavy land and aerial bombardments, in a few months the Russian troops forced the Chechen armed groups to retreat from indefensible cities and to change their tactics. Lacking heavy weapons, they have since avoided classical warfare with Russian troops. Instead, they have resorted to small-scale hit-and-run operations against Russian forces all over Chechnya, and even in its neighboring Republic of Dagestan, from strongholds in the mountains and the countryside.

Seeking to increase the cost of Moscow's effort to keep Chechnya within its territory, the armed Chechen groups have inflicted constant losses in human lives and military hardware on the Russian military, pro-Moscow Chechens and police forces through their attacks on small concentrations of those targets and through their ambushes on Russian military convoys. Their significant use of anti-aircraft missiles since 2002 has challenged the Russian military's air superiority, as reflected in the shooting down of many Russian military helicopters in that year.

The numerous reported abuses of human rights by the Russian forces against the civilian and armed Chechens alike have failed to end the Chechen independence movement about four years after the beginning of the latest military campaign, although it has certainly pushed many formerly reluctant Chechens toward the armed groups. Since 1999, the Russian forces have controlled the cities mainly during the day while seeking shelter in their barracks at night for fear of constant Chechen attacks. They have proved unable to control Chechnya as a whole and to ensure the allegiance of its population to Moscow.

The Kremlin's agonizing inability to end the armed separatist movement through its costly military operation has resulted in the dismissals of many commanders of the Russian forces in Chechnya who have blamed for the bitter reality. However, such policy has failed to change the pace of events in Moscow's favor. As a recent example, on December 18, Russian President Vladimir Putin dismissed Colonel General Gennady Troshev and handed over his position to Colonel General Vladimir Boldyrev.

Against this background, the December attack on the Chechen government's compound should not surprise anyone, especially because it took place after a major bombing of a police station in Grozny in October during which at least 25 people were killed. However, the ability of the attackers to bypass the Russian security forces is definitely a matter of surprise, both for indicating the weakness of the Russian military's security arrangement in Grozny and also for its timing. The attack happened about two months after the surprising October takeover of a theater in Moscow by Chechen militants.

The Chechen conflict since 1991 has proven that Moscow's resort to extensive use of force can only turn Chechnya's cities, including Grozny, into rubble, while leaving its objective unachievable. Although the Russian government has a right to preserve its territorial integrity, the decade-long negative experience of its high-handed approach toward Chechnya should convince it that unless the root causes of separatism are addressed, its iron fist policy will only deepen mistrust and hostility between the Chechens and the Russians. The latter will surely prolong the devastating war in Chechnya and will delay the finding of a mutually acceptable peaceful settlement to the Chechen conflict.

Dr Hooman Peimani works as an independent consultant with international organizations in Geneva and does research in international relations.

(©2003 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)
 
Jan 4, 2003


One day in the life of Chechnya's Grozny (Oct 30, '02)

Dangerous thresholds crossed in Moscow (Oct 30, '02)

 

Affiliates
Click here to be one)

 

 

 
   
         
No material from Asia Times Online may be republished in any form without written permission.
Copyright Asia Times Online, 6306 The Center, Queen’s Road, Central, Hong Kong.